✎✎✎ Maturity And Independence In Katherine Mansfields The Garden Party

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Maturity And Independence In Katherine Mansfields The Garden Party



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Shannon, whose confidence, expressed at critical junctures in this project, guaranteed its completion. We sincerely appreciate the help we have received from scholars, archivists, and others in England, Ireland, Canada, and the United States whose special knowledge of or access to much-needed information was often crucial to us. Among those who patiently answered our many questions on aspects of written and spoken Irish and Hiberno-English, on the nuances of Irish culture, and on lesser-known facts of local and national Irish history were Bo Almquist, Dan Binchy, Richard J.

Our thanks are due also to those who facilitated our research in special subjects and assisted us in other areas of professional expertise, especially Jeanne Aber, Lance J. Bauer, Alan M. Cohn, Pierre Deflaux, John P. From to , as we steadily expanded the combined collection of notes and documents presented to us by Sean O'Luing and previously accumulated by us in connection with earlier projects, we were fortunate to have the help of scores of men and women acquainted with Hyde himself, his life and times, and his achievements.

Kilgallen, M. Shannon and his wife, Elizabeth Shannon, answered our questions about the presidency, American-Irish relations, and the history of the official residences in Phoenix Park. In north Roscommon and Sligo we talked extensively with men and women whose local memories of people, places, and events were significant to the life of Douglas Hyde. Pa Burke, for many years the oldest living resident of Castlerea, recalled for us his first Irish lessons in the early days of the Gaelic League. Michael Cooney reminisced about the Frenchpark in which he had lived as a boy at the turn of the century.

Tommy and Mary Bruen, Kevin and Margaret Dockery, and Mick and Peggy Ward shared their knowledge of the oral tradition of north Roscommon as it pertained to local families and to local geography, including place-names. The Reverend Robert Holtby and Mrs. Maud Holtby searched Church of Ireland records for both Kilkeevan and Portahard for details concerning dates and events. And dozens of other current and former residents of Roscommon, Sligo, Leitrim, Galway, and Mayo whom we met informally in the course of our research—in shops, in pubs, walking along country roads—contributed family memories, anecdotes, tales of local interest, and little-known facts of local history to our store.

Hyde figured largely of course in other private collections as well. Geraldine Willis searched the archives of the Representative Church Body. William Flynn, Beverly Goldner, Desmond MacNamara, Frank Martin, and John Woolsey tapped other sources, including their own experiences and memories, to provide a range of perspectives on Hyde himself, his life and times, and his family background. For permission to consult holdings and for assistance in using research materials and facilities we are indebted to administrators and staff members of the following libraries and archives:. In developing our composite portrait of Douglas Hyde we have depended primarily on Hyde's own diaries, letters, mementos, manuscript drafts, and memorabilia and the oral and written testimony of his family, friends, associates, acquaintances, and their heirs.

Among the published sources we have consulted for confirmation of dates, facts, and events, for other images of both the private and the public man, and for background, historical context, and multiple perspectives, none has been more useful than Dominic Daly's The Young Douglas Hyde We recognize that even in our occasional differences we owe much to Daly's pioneer effort; we deeply regret that his untimely death cut short our conversations on subjects of mutual interest in the early stages of our work. Many others named above—including those personally acquainted with Hyde—also have died in the years since We mourn their passing and regret that they are not alive to see the fruits of their contributions, but we feel privileged to be able to preserve here their memories, observations, and opinions.

Francey Oscherwitz's queries encouraged sensible revisions. Finally—for his wisdom, patience, and understanding without which we might never have reached this point—we are deeply indebted to our editor, Scott Mahler. The poets are unsuccessful. As a last hope one of their number is sent to Gaul to recover what he can from a "certain sage" there. Fergus himself appears; the lost epic is recovered; the tradition is preserved intact.

Yeats, whose poetic vision of modern Ireland etched ancient traditions on the events of — Today, guarding the entrance to the Dublin General Post Office, it commemorates not only the martyred leaders of but all of Ireland's champions, past, passing, and to come. Bound by their generational imperative, poets and historians continue to fuse future, past, and present as the years make and remake modern Ireland. Visible in the changing pattern—now prominent in the foreground,.

One bright, beautiful day in May in Frenchapark, county Roscommon—uncharacteristic weather for the small west-central Irish village nestled among hill and bog where rains fall generously in the spring of the year—a large official vehicle maneuvered confidently along narrow twisting roads and through crossroads, attracting the attention of pedestrians and bicyclists engaged in daily errands. The familiar-looking stranger who stepped from the car was tall and thin, with the military manner befitting a man called "the Chief.

With him were his grandchildren. Bob Connolly, the sexton, was the only other person present. In that church, as a boy, Douglas, fourth son of the Reverend Arthur Hyde third to survive infancy , had listened unwillingly to his father's sermons, silently formulating conflicting opinions based on a broader vision of the world. There during his adolescent years he had obediently but reluctantly conducted Sunday school classes for children of the Big House landlords and local squirearchy who comprised his father's flock, and had assisted with other church duties. Manhood had taken him to Dublin, to London, to the Continent, and to North America, where his own ideas had flourished.

Yet throughout his long life he had returned often to this same cemetery of the Church of Ireland in the parish of Tibohine in the village of Frenchpark to kneel at the graves of mother, father, daughter, brother-in-law, wife. Here, before Vatican II, in predominantly Catholic Ireland, with hundreds crowding near to bid him farewell and thousands more paying tribute along the route of the funeral procession from Dublin to Frenchpark, he himself had been buried in Irish leader has to Ireland's past and future. Others had come the preceding day to mark the seventy-fifth anniversary of the Gaelic League, the organization Hyde had helped to found and had led during a long and significant chapter of his life.

Churchyard and church had echoed with familiar oratory. But this personal pilgrimage Eamon de Valera had chosen to make alone, with only his grandchildren to accompany him. He had not come to shout speeches to the crowd, calling out, "People of Ireland! People of Ireland! Whispering at the grave of Douglas Hyde in the May sunshine of , de Valera might have recalled the mission of the seventh-century poet to the grave of Fergus mac Roich. The purpose of their nightly meetings had not been to reconstruct the past but to consider the present and develop strategies for the future. Hyde had been de Valera's personal choice for the presidency established under the Constitution of Few had understood why.

Even after Hyde's unanimous election in , newspapers and gossip mongers had talked of de Valera's "sop" to the Protestant Ascendancy, to the Gaelic revivalists, to the Trinity intellectuals, and to the Church of Ireland, as if ever in his political career this stern man had given weight to such considerations. No, de Valera had chosen Hyde for himself—for his experience, his judgment, and his political skills, honed over a period of nearly half a century; for his ability to move easily and smoothly in circles of which de Valera had never been part; for his shrewd understanding of Americans, Canadians, the British, the French, and the Germans at a crucial time in modern history when an independent Ireland was about to take its place on the world stage.

By de Valera, born in , had been a schoolteacher, a mathematician, a soldier, a leader of the republican insurrectionists, and an architect of the Free State. His political strengths had been his determination, singleness of purpose, and endurance, his ability to inspire others to degrees of patience, fortitude, loyalty, and courage of which they might not have thought themselves capable. Hyde, born in , had been a poet, a folklorist, a playwright, a philologist, a literary historian, a university professor, an antiquarian, a leader of the Gaelic Re-. Cosmopolitan, politically sophisticated, and an easy conversationalist comfortable within a wide range of social contacts, during fifty years of public life he had proved adept at probing the thoughts and feelings of others while revealing little of himself, at signaling from offstage and providing onstage support to others who assumed major roles, and at concealing his own confrontational intentions behind a benign exterior.

On the question of Ireland, the two men had long shared ideals and goals. De Valera was better understood, a strong and forceful leader whose life was like an arrow shot through the air. Hyde was an enigma, a man whose career, by , had given rise to a myth, an internally inconsistent accretion of half-truth, misunderstanding, presumption, expectation, rumor, and opinion that until now has not been challenged by evidence.

Clues to Hyde's motivation, goals, character, and personality lead through public and private records and personal memories to extraordinary conclusions. As in all good detective stories, investigation must begin with a review of documented and objective facts, with the public scaffolding of the private life. Douglas Hyde had lived a long and controversial life when, at the age of seventy-eight, he was unanimously elected first president of modern Ireland.

His seven-year term — coincided with that crucial period in modern history when the war that swept Europe and Asia and buffeted the Americas not only threatened Ireland's very existence but compounded the social, economic, political, and cultural pressures already at work in the self-proclaimed new nation. Born in Castlerea, a market town in county Roscommon seven miles west of the village of Frenchpark where he now lies buried, Hyde spent the first six years of his life approximately thirty miles to the north in the modest glebe house of Kilmactranny, where his father was rector until Although still remote by modern standards, the county Sligo village already had won the small place in Irish history that later fascinated Hyde, for it was here in the early eighteenth century that Donnacha Liath Denis O'Conor , although impoverished during the wholesale confiscations of —, had maintained his position as descendant of Connacht kings and Irish high kings.

In O'Conor's modest cottage Blind O'Carolan had played on his celebrated harp the musical compositions for which he was known throughout Europe. This same cottage, a refuge for hedge schoolmasters and unregistered priests during Penal times, often had sheltered O'Conor's banished brother-in-law, the daring Bishop O'Rourke, who traveled the country disguised as "Mr. Fitzgerald" under the nose of English soldiers. Douglas Hyde was born since altered by later owners , was not his own family home but the glebe house of Kilkeevan parish, home of his maternal grandparents, the Venerable John Orson Oldfield, archdeacon of Elphin and vicar of Kilkeevan, and Maria Meade Oldfield, daughter of Frank Meade, Q. Elevated by the hill that gave the house its name, in it looked across Main Street and over the walls and gardens of the Sandford demesne, now Castlerea town park, on the banks of the river Suck.

A few hundred yards along the same street was the more modest birthplace of Sir William Wilde, a distinguished eye surgeon and antiquarian, son of the town doctor and father of Oscar Wilde. Although Oscar himself was born in Dublin in , long after his father had left Castlerea, local memory continued to associate the house with the Wilde family. Prevalent in Hyde's boyhood were rumors, persistent even today, of a mysterious message scratched on a back window. When its street-level rooms were converted to a pub, the name given it was the Oscar Bar. Preserved and expanded by O'Conor Don, its extensive library and manuscript archive reflected then as today the interests of Donnacha Liath's son and grandson, Charles O'Conor "the Historian" of Bellangare and Dr.

Distinguished visitors included not only well-known political figures but scholars from England and abroad. As a young man invited to visit the forty-four-room mansion with its halls and dining room lined with portraits of O'Conor ancestors, Hyde had examined there such ancient Gaelic manuscripts as the fourteenth-century Book of the Magauran now in the National Library and the earliest known fragment of Brehon law. At Clonalis also he had stood wondering before the harp that O'Carolan had played in Kilmactranny.

Hyde's paternal grandfather was the Reverend Arthur Hyde, Sr. As a lineal descendant of Sir Arthur Hyde, whose reward for service to Elizabeth I had been a knighthood and letters patent to 11, acres of county Cork, he belonged, however—through a junior line—to the Cork Hydes of Castle Hyde, a celebrated estate on the Blackwater that had remained the family seat until Regarded before disestablishment as more social and economic than religious in nature, the respectable career the church provided—as Lady Melbourne had advised her son William—was particularly suited to younger sons.

Indeed, had William's elder brother not died, clearing the way for him to become Lord Melbourne, he would have had neither the means nor the social position to rise as he did to prime minister and so earn his place in English political history. No providential death having intervened to raise the eighteenth-century family of Douglas Hyde from junior-branch status, son followed father: the heir of the Reverend Arthur Hyde of Hyde Park, county Cork, became the Reverend Arthur Hyde, vicar of Killarney.

His marriage to a daughter of George French of Innfield established a connection with the Frenches, the family of Lord de Freyne, proprietary landlord of Frenchpark. So it was that in , when he was appointed rector of the parish of Tibohine, the Reverend Arthur Hyde, Jr. Neighboring kinsmen in Frenchpark included not only Lord de Freyne but his brother, John French, whose Roscommon estate, Ratra, was later to become, in , the home of Dr.

Douglas Hyde. Such a pedigree was not the kind from which controversy ordinarily might be expected, nor was there anything apparent in Hyde's childhood or youth that pointed to the many and various careers that were later to engage him. When he grew old enough to handle fishing rod and gun, he was included in the sporting activities his father organized with his sons.

But as Douglas's two brothers, Arthur and Oldfield, were in general too old to be his companions and his sister, Annette, who was five years his junior, was too young, most of Hyde's days were spent alone with his dog, Diver, or tagging along behind amiable workmen, or with the sons of neighboring cottagers from the glebe lands and nearby estates. Crossing meadow and bog on these daily rambles, he often stopped for a cup of tea and a biscuit in the thatched cabins that dotted the countryside. His welcome was warmest in those in which Irish was the primary language, where it was a matter of some amusement that the master's boy had an ear for the language and liked to try his few phrases on willing listeners.

Douglas's interest in Irish won at-. Hyde assumed that all three of their sons would follow the family tradition and enter the ministry. The church, advised the Reverend Hyde, when young Arthur and Oldfield mocked Douglas for making a serious study of what they considered a language of servants, was particularly interested in young men who might qualify for a living in one of the areas to the west where Irish was still dominant. But Douglas—who was educated at home, as were his brothers and sister, in his father's well-stocked library—also was given to understand that history, natural science, mathematics, the classics, and Continental languages and literature were more important subjects, in which one day he would be required to pass entrance examinations for admission to Trinity College.

Before his sixteenth birthday Douglas had acquired the informal elementary education in the Irish language and Irish history and the interest in Irish folktale and song which he then began to pursue through self-directed study of texts bought in secondhand bookstores on rare boyhood trips to Dublin. It was in a Dublin bookstore when he was not yet eighteen that he first met members of the Society for the Preservation of the Irish Language, an organization of which O'Conor Don of Clonalis was a founding member and officer.

Through the society he was introduced to the old manuscripts and rare books of the Irish-language collection of the Royal Irish Academy and to new friends who encouraged his attempts at translating and writing original verse in modern Irish. Before he was twenty-one his Irish poems and translations had appeared in periodicals published on either side of the Atlantic, and he had been accepted as a cultural nationalist by fellow members of both the sedate and literary society and its splinter organization, the more activist Gaelic Union. Meanwhile there was Trinity to be concerned about. Admitted in to the divinity program through which, from the sixteenth century, sons of the Ascendancy including his own father and grandfathers had received their university education, Hyde quickly won a reputation as an outstanding scholar.

To his father it seemed that for Douglas a career in the church and a living in Irish-speaking Mayo was assured. Hyde himself was ambivalent, especially when he discovered that Trinity circles equated an interest in modern Irish with nationalism and regarded nationalists as anathema. Despite the disapproval of influential faculty, he not only continued his membership in the society and the Gaelic Union but joined the beautiful and radical Maud Gonne,. Yet to most people Hyde seemed harmless enough, for between and , having earned B.

This appearance of indolence and indifference was misleading. By the time Hyde was thirty, his scholarly publications at which he had been working in fact very seriously were attracting as much attention as his published poems and translations; his growing international reputation as an authority on Irish folklore and as a theorist and methodologist in the new field of folklore scholarship was bringing him respectful inquiries and requests for assistance from eminent scholars abroad.

Had he not been opposed because he advocated educational support for modern Irish by such powerful political academicians as John Pentland Mahaffy, later provost of Trinity College, he might have had the Irish university post he coveted. But on this issue Hyde was as implacable as his enemies. Alternatives were few until an invitation to Canada to serve a one-year term as interim professor of modern languages at the University of New Brunswick offered an opportunity beyond Mahaffy's sphere of influence. In Fredericton, where life was both pleasant and comfortable, Hyde soon began to weigh the possibility of emigrating permanently to Canada or the United States.

His duties, which he enjoyed, included teaching French and German; he quickly acquired a circle of congenial friends; he became fascinated with the language and culture of nearby native American tribes; and he set for himself such compatible scholarly tasks as that of comparing native American folklore with the folklore of Gaelic Ireland. Yet at the same time, in what seemed a strange departure to acquaintances who knew of such activities, he sought contacts with such men as O'Donovan Rossa and Patrick Ford, known Fenians and Irish compatriots who were unwelcome in Ireland because of their.

And in his diaries and in notes that he sent home he attempted to gauge Irish-American reactions to contemporary events in Lord Salisbury's England and Parnell's Ireland. Although Hyde's letters from Canada cite his father's illness as the deciding factor in his return home at the end of his New Brunswick year, they also reflect his strong support of Charles Stewart Parnell and his interest in the trials and scandals that had weakened Parnell's position and divided public opinion on the question of his reelection. By October Parnell was dead, and with him the energy, excitement, and hope he had generated.

The Parnellite nationalists were in rout; the entire Home Rule party was in disarray; the populace was too discouraged to respond to political attempts to rally them. Back in Ireland, Hyde had returned to his usual circles, where his reputation was enhanced by the success of Beside the Fire, published in and the first of his books to establish his work as an important source for the young writers of what was soon being called "the Irish Literary Renaissance.

He was receiving letters soliciting his new work from both popular and scholarly publications. Elected president of the newly organized National Literary Society in , Hyde boldly chose as both title and theme of his inaugural speech "The Necessity for De-Anglicizing Ireland. Nor did the government take notice a year later, in , when Hyde was chosen first president of another new organization, the Gaelic League. Officially its policy was to avoid conflict with the British government by steadfastly maintaining a nonpolitical stance. Unofficially it engaged in activities expressly designed and publicly proclaimed to have as their purpose the fulfillment of the goals Hyde had set forth in his speech on deanglicization. But the prime reason why Hyde's tentative plans for a return to Canada were dropped was that his friendship with Lucy Cometina Kurtz, an attractive, intelligent, and intellectually independent young heiress to whom he had been introduced by his Oldfield aunts, had ripened into engage-.

By they were married. As the turn of the century and his fortieth birthday approached, Hyde's professional and private life were by all appearances both promising and satisfying. During the next twelve years Hyde continued composing, collecting, and translating the Irish stories and poems that provided, according to Yeats, the "entire imaginative tradition" that stirred the writers of the Irish literary revival.

His scholarly studies—expanded to include philology and literary history—drew inquiries from such eminent academicians as Harvard's Fred Norris Robinson and Georges Dottin of the University of Rennes. His circle of friends grew to include the distinguished German Celticist, Kuno Meyer. By Hyde had published A Literary History of Ireland, a full-length pioneer study still regarded as authoritative. Persuaded by Lady Gregory and W.

Yeats to join their newly formed Irish Literary Theatre, forerunner of Dublin's famous Abbey, he successfully tried his hand at writing original plays in Irish for its repertoire. By he had composed a corpus of Irish plays performed throughout the country and available in print, and he had preserved hundreds of poems and stories from the oral tradition in such collections as Beside the Fire , Love Songs of Connacht , The Three Sorrows of Storytelling , and Songs Ascribed to Raftery Extracts of his work that appeared in translation in France and in English-language periodicals in the United States and Ireland had attracted enthusiastic readers who, writing to editors, were requesting more. During these years the Gaelic League, still led by Hyde, also was gathering strength, abroad as well as in Ireland, and political and revolutionary pressures for Home Rule were increasing.

Despite the clearly political implications of many of his activities, Hyde continued to maintain a nonpolitical stance and to insist that his own and the league's efforts were confined within a purely cultural framework. In , with testimony from eminent scholars from abroad to support him, he defeated the governors of the British education system in Ireland on the question of the validity of formal study of the Irish language.

In he took on the British Post Office in an epic battle that ended in a Pyrrhic victory for Goliath, so numerous were those who came to the aid of David. Word of these successes traveled, winning new supporters. As through branches and affiliate organizations the influence of the league spread, Hyde's personal popularity increased correspondingly.

In persuasive letters urging Hyde to present a series of lectures in the United States, John Quinn of New York, a wealthy Irish-American philanthropist and lawyer, declared that academic and community groups in fifty-two American cities were eager to sponsor an eight-month tour, if he would but agree. Dooley" ; and President Theodore Roosevelt. All San Francisco seemed to embrace him: its citizens responded generously to his request for financial contributions to continue the league's efforts on behalf of Irish culture and the Irish language.

The year before his fiftieth birthday Douglas Hyde began a new career as professor of modern Irish at University College, Dublin. Among his students were women and men who later taught Irish in this and other Irish universities. Some were appointed to the distinguished faculty of the Dublin Institute of Advanced Studies. Two months after Hyde's fifty-sixth birthday a small host of brilliant young men whom he had inspired and taught went to their deaths in the Easter Rising of He had opposed their action not, as is often stated, because he was against physical force as a means of gaining national independence but because he feared that their brave vulnerability would result in just such a blood sacrifice at a time when he believed that all alternatives had not yet been exhausted.

Armistice in provided relief for neither Douglas Hyde nor Ireland. Physically ill, emotionally depressed, and beset by personal and family troubles and tragedies, he struggled to regain his equilibrium as Ireland struggled through the war of independence — and the civil war — that hampered efforts to build the limited self-government permitted under the divisive Treaty of Called upon to serve in the Free State Senate in , Hyde readily assented, hoping to find relief from the sorrows of his personal life in renewed political activity and his continu-. What he found instead was a factionalism that forced him to expend most of his energies on defending himself from personal attack in a climate in which old alliances were often abandoned and new ones were quickly repudiated.

At the end of his senate term Hyde nevertheless made a bid for reelection—and lost. Meanwhile anti-Treaty republicans who had been boycotting the Free State government reentered politics with the purpose of winning by election what they had been unable to gain by guerrilla warfare. Eamon de Valera, American-born survivor of the Easter rebellion, war of independence, and civil war, a committed nationalist who had been one of Hyde's young Gaelic Leaguers, soon emerged as the dominant political leader. His success was greeted by some as a sign of a new political optimism. To many dispirited citizens of the Free State it seemed that Thomas Davis's promise of a nation once again might yet be fulfilled.

On de Valera's agenda was the writing of a new Constitution that would eliminate the provisions of the treaty he had opposed and establish the framework of the republic he had long envisioned. In de Valera persuaded Hyde—then seventy-seven, retired from the university, but still actively engaged in scholarship at home in Roscommon—to return to Dublin to serve a second term in the Free State Senate. On December 29, , the new Constitution was ratified. In May all political factions united to elect Douglas Hyde first president of an independent Ireland.

For himself de Valera had reserved the post of taoiseach, or prime minister. Seven years later, in , at the end of a first full presidential term that had spanned the difficult war years, Hyde was asked if he would stand for a second term. He was eighty-five years old and he had suffered a stroke that had left him unable to walk, but his mind was as young and curious, his wit as active, and his commitment to the Irish nation as firm as ever. Nevertheless, he declined: the character of the office of president had been shaped under his aegis; it was time, he. This time, however, instead of returning to his native Roscommon, he wanted to remain in Dublin, characteristically close to the action.

There he died, modern Ireland's first elder statesman. Energetic, amiable, eminently approachable, an easy conversationalist and a charismatic speaker in several languages, Hyde was the kind of man whom people liked to refer to by nickname. In the Big House milieu in which he had been brought up, he was "Dougie. His sister, Annette, called him "Humpy," a name she had given him in childhood, when to her it seemed that whenever she wanted his company outdoors, he was bent over book or notebook. To his daughters he was their affectionate, prank-loving "Tweet. Remembered by the people of northwest Roscommon as among the kindest and friendliest of the local gentry, he was also capable, they admitted, of a petty stinginess.

In social circles he was regarded as a devoted husband and father, yet to this day private recollections and rumors of both serious and short-term romantic attachments persistently circulate. Widely perceived as a man dedicated to a cause, he was a puzzle to many who openly wondered at a commitment that, given his class, birth, and social status, cost him so much and held so little personal promise.

On occasion his emotional involvement became so intense as to lead him to betray a friend. At the same time he was amused rather than annoyed by associations drawn between his name and that of the protagonist of Robert Louis Stevenson's Dr. Jekyll and Mr. After his death conflicting statements by others concerning the date and place of his birth raised questions about his parentage. Unchecked by formal investigation and published evidence, over the years anecdote, rumor, recollection, and opinion have been quoted as fact.

Known thus to everyone and no one, Douglas Hyde, a maker of modern Ireland, died in , leaving behind him no easy explanations of his life story but diaries, letters, copybooks, and journals, written. His published writings include not only his own work, translated and published in many different countries, but his collaborations with Lady Gregory and W. Among hundreds of correspondents from all over the world whose letters he answered, usually within twenty-four hours of receipt, were such disparate figures as Theodore Roosevelt, president of the United States; Katharine Tynan, distinguished poet; and Eoin O'Cahill, a native Irishman who had left Ireland as a young man but who returned to it in spirit at the end of his life when, living in Michigan, he refashioned figures from Irish mythology to create stories in Irish of the American Wild West.

Hyde touched the lives of thousands; hundreds preserved recollections of specific incidents that reveal aspects of his character and personality. His wide circle of close friends was as varied as the range of his correspondents. Not far from the cottages outside the gates, in which there are still Mahons and Morrisroes who remember Douglas Hyde, is the cemetery in which he lies buried, next to the church in which the Reverend Hyde served as rector from to February 28, , was brisk and cold.

A chill wind swept through Phoenix Park, rattling the great windows of its three stately homes, former residences of British government officials. During the hard winter months past, to relieve distress caused by wartime shortages, the president had ordered that the mansion's coal stores be distributed among the people of Dublin. A turf fire was in any case what he himself preferred, nor did he mind giving up dusty bins of shiny black coal for the velvet-brown stacks from midland bogs that he now had the pleasure of seeing when he took an occasional turn outdoors, striding along purposefully or stopping to banter with a workman, his long woolen muffler and the smoke from his pipe both curling around and behind the collar of his tweed jacket.

It was at that time that the wings and portico that give the mansion its neoclassical appearance had been added. Similar patriotic sentiments, he sometimes ex-. Michael McDunphy, secretary to the president, frankly disapproved of the poteen—and had not been so sure of the turf. Stacking turf outside the presidential mansion was just one of many things he had to be concerned about, for fear of what the newspapers might make of it. McDunphy was right, of course—from previous experience Hyde knew that political cartoonists, like cats, should never be overfed—but in this case wartime exigencies allowed the president to have his turf and the people of Dublin to have their coal, yet left the caricaturists, good hunting cats all, still lean and hungry.

Caricaturists and cats both figure in Irish history—probably because, as a monk with an ironic bent observed some eleven centuries ago, they employ similar skills:. The original of that old Irish poem—found in Austria, in the margins of a manuscript of a codex of St. Paul—was well known to Hyde. As a young man he had made oblique and playful allusion to it in a mock lament he had written in modern Irish, about the loss of a kitten, companion of his study, on which a portly friend had sat. Himself a Gaelic scholar, translator, and poet, Hyde admired the way in which Robin Flower had hunted and caught the flavor of the poem in a singsong English different from Kuno Meyer's earlier and more literal verse translation.

The German Celticist, an old friend, had struck a nice balance beween scholarly integrity and poetic sensibility, but Flower's greater concern for the spirit of the original was more consistent with Hyde's own translation ethic. On this February day in , that was Hyde's task: to ply his simple skill with words. Warmed by the turf fire in his study, he sat at his writing desk, his sturdy figure hunched over three sheets of blue four-by-six-inch notepaper, his rounded back to the door. Less able to find time to entertain his imagination since taking office as president, Hyde delighted in opportunities such as the one before him that combined duty with pleasure.

His task was to make a rough draft of what he planned to say to an audience of schoolchildren on the subject of studying Irish. Oftentimes a mouse will stray In the hero Pangur's way; Oftentimes my keen thought set Takes a meaning in its net. Seeking meanings that he might catch in his nets, Hyde looked up from his work to glance through French windows, past formal gardens, at the high, white sky beyond.

It was an old habit of his, resting his eyes on the sky while he was thinking, learned when he was a boy of twelve or thirteen and had begun to have the soreness of his eyelids that had plagued him off and on ever since. A nuisance, that soreness of the eyes. Fortunately it had never completely disabled him, nor had he ever let it interfere seriously with either his reading or his writing, not even at home in Roscommon, where it always seemed worse.

If some days through habit he found himself looking up at the sky more often than usual, it was not always to rest his eyes but to search for—what? A great country for birds, Ireland. Even in the center of the city, in the reading rooms of the National Library, they could be heard scuffling on the roof and screaming overhead. In Roscommon, in that same sky continually covered and uncovered by scudding gray clouds, a teal might be dropping back to the sheltered ledge bordering the lake near Caoile from which the entire flock had arisen, moments before, at the sound of a hunter's first shot.

At Ratra, if the turlough in the far field were larger today, a lapwing reflected in its shallow waters would be an easier target. If not, for the hunter's gun there were always the omnipresent crows silhouetted in the leafless trees of late winter. Though miles away in Dublin, any Roscommon man would know from the look of the sky how the air smelled west of the Shannon, how the wind felt on a reddened cheek. Days toward the end of February often were fine there: brisk and cold, with perhaps a light dusting of new snow to limn the prints of a saucy hare after a week's thaw. On such a day, as a boy, he often went out again after supper, sending Diver to retrieve a jackdaw shot close by the house or running along well-worn paths, the dog at his heels, to enjoy for a while in the lengthening twilight the comfort of Seamas Hart's turf fire and the warmth of his companionship.

Such thoughts of the past inevitably crowd out the present when a writer faces the kid of task Hyde had before him on that last Wednesday in February at the start of his eighty-first year, a winter's day with a promise of spring in the air. To think what would draw a response from children requires remembering what it is like to be a child. When a mouse darts from its den O how glad is Pangur then! O what gladness do I prove When I solve the doubts I love! Hyde wrote and crossed out and wrote again.

Sixty-five, seventy years had passed since he was a boy. Curious turns and twists of fate separate youth and age. A memory that would bridge the distance between himself and the children he soon would meet, that was what he needed: something that would persuade them that near the end of the journey. Would the children respond to such a memory? How would they regard him? Would they listen to what he had to say? Or would they squirm, suppressing giggles and yawns, wishing the event over, the old man gone? If Hyde could have met each youngster separately, coaxed from the eyes of each the mirror of his own, surely they would have become friends.

Protocol, however, required that the president of Ireland address schoolchildren in groups. Hyde always had had an easy rapport with children. Summers in Roscommon in the years before his wife became ill, while she chatted with other ladies in the drawing room at Clonalis, he used to play hide-and-seek with the six O'Conor girls, up and down stairs, behind chairs, under beds, and through the forty-odd rooms of the "new" house so-called to distinguish it from the old one, down by the river, abandoned in after the first wife of Charles Owen O'Conor Don died there of the tuberculosis that also had killed his mother.

Hyde liked visiting Clonalis with Lucy, even when none of the O'Conor men was about, not only for enjoyment of the children but for the pleasure of past associations. Castlerea was a familiar seven-mile drive from Frenchpark village; it was just nine miles from Ratra, the old John French estate forever associated with Seamas Hart where he expected that one day he would end his days. The road through the top of the town passed the nine-hole Clonalis golf course where he still sometimes played when he was home, then curved along high stone walls past the great iron gates of the estate on its way to Castlebar. When he and Lucy had business to transact in Castlerea they would turn left onto Main Street before reaching Clonalis, cross the bridge over the river Suck, and pass the post office on the left, to the market square.

The road entering from the right a few yards beyond ran down to the railroad station. On one side of this road, at the junction of Main Street, was Kilkeevan Church, where he had been baptized; on the other was the Hill, then the glebe house of Kilkeevan parish, home of his grandparents, where he had been born. His grandfather Oldfield had died later that year. Sometime after, his grandmother and unmarried aunts, Maria and Cecily, had moved to Blackrock, in county Dublin.

In addition to Maria, Cecily, and his own mother her name was Elizabeth, but everyone called her Bessie , the Oldfield daughters included Ann, wife of Dr. William Cuppaidge, the physician who was always called to treat his chronic soreness of the eyes and other family ailments. He had been a young man serving his third year in Parliament when Douglas Hyde was born. Sir William, who had received his early education at the Elphin Diocesan School, had left Roscommon for Dublin long before Oscar was born, so Oscar and Douglas had not been acquainted as children. George Moore, however, who had grown up at Moore Hall near Partry in Mayo, used to tell of summertime boating and picnicking, himself and his brother Maurice, with the Wilde boys, Oscar and Willie, on Lough Carra.

As a young man Hyde had been fascinated by stories of the boys' mother, Lady Wilde, who called herself "Speranza" and who had written poetry for the Nation. February 28, more than seventy-nine years had elapsed since the Venerable John Orson Oldfield had been laid to rest behind the iron gates of the overgrown Church of Ireland cemetery on Castlerea's Main Street, across from Kilkeevan Church; almost thirty-six since Charles Owen O'Conor Don had taken his place in the family plot of the Roman Catholic cemetery adjacent to Clonalis, his ancient title passing to first one nephew and then another. Oscar Wilde had died in George Moore was dead, too; it was seven years since his ashes had been buried on an island in his silver-green lake.

Where were the O'Conor girls on this crisp winter morning? On a postscript to a letter, Hyde had written that he could not send her his love as long as she held that job. But on this February day Hyde had no time to reflect either on the curious convergence of personalities associated with Castlerea or on the whereabouts of the six O'Conor sisters. The work at hand had nothing to do with Frenchpark or Castlerea or any other part of his native county. The children for whom he was planning his brief talk were not those he had known as Roscommon neighbors and friends. Who was he to these young citizens of a new and different Ireland? A symbol—their first constitutional president? How old he must seem to them, how distant his memories of the past. Could he talk to them perhaps not as their president but as An Craoibhin Aoibhinn, the poet, playwright, and folklorist whose work they had read or recited?

If he had taught their parents or teachers, some might have heard of him as the Dr. Hyde who had been professor of modern Irish at University College. He was often photographed for the newspapers,. But what do children care about scholars and dignitaries? What do they care about? Wars, heroes, history? What had he cared about when he was a boy? Against the high, white sky over Phoenix Park there rose in the mind of Douglas Hyde the image of a small boy, not more than ten years of age, who had been taken from his native Connacht bog and mountain across the troubled Irish Sea to England.

One boy—Hyde recalled wryly that he was "in the same situation as myself" that is, another Irish boy in England —led the attack, calling Hyde an "Irish Paddy. I speak your language as well as you, and can you say a single word of mine? You had better realize that I'm twice the man—the double and better of yourself. And you, you grinning half-brain, you make fun of me and call me names.

But a blaze is not easily extinguished, even after seventy years, especially when it has been kindled by thoughts of injustice; firm and clear were the letters of the words with which he ended his account: "I still think I was right. He had it then, three full sheets of notes and phrases from which to develop what he would say to the children. So in peace our tasks we ply, Pangur Ban, my cat and I; In our arts we find our bliss, I have mine and he has his.

All he needed to finish his task were a few final words in Irish to encourage the children to continue their study of the national language. Each of you, every boy or girl among you. But you can't say it without your own language, so don't lose a bit of your Irish, because if you. Speak Irish among yourselves, for fear of losing it. And don't be timid—it won't be long before Irish spreads all over the world. As he worked the little drama into his speech, for a short while Hyde was no longer, as he sometimes complained, a bird in a gilded cage. He had rummaged through memories of his childhood to find his characters; he had turned the clock back to set them moving and talking. He was a guest again at Coole Park, working on the script of a new play that he would read out to Lady Gregory and Yeats after dinner.

At Coole, when he finished the scene he was working on, he used to walk down to the lake to watch the swans before dinner. Practice every day has made Pangur perfect in his trade; I get wisdom day and night Turning darkness into light. Had such an event as Hyde described occurred when he was ten? Did it take place in England? Were the circumstances as he related them? In the diary of his eighteenth year he had recorded in retrospect a few facts about his brief and only school experience, apparently the kernel of his story. It had taken place when he was thirteen: "My brother Arthur went to college in the year and my other brother Oldfield did the same in I stayed all the time safe at home except in I hurt my left thigh.

He was sent in consequence to a "thieving school in Dublin" where he remained about three weeks and "learned nothing. Hyde's later accounts of this experience, separately retold by his daughter, Una Hyde Sealy, and his first biographer, Diarmid Coffey, suggest other reasons for his withdrawal: on the one hand, a case of measles; on the other, the Reverend Arthur Hyde's unwillingness to shoulder the cost of Douglas's tuition. Between these two sources there are discrepancies also in just how long Douglas remained at the school before he was taken home. Coffey agreed, adding that only the shortness of Hyde's enrollment "prevented his becoming as Anglicised as most Dublin schoolboys," for such Irish schools, catering as they did to upper-class families, were modeled on English boys'.

Recreating the experience in , Hyde seems to have mirrored reality not as it was but as it might have been. Creating a scene reminiscent of The Lord of the Flies, he increased the tension between boy and setting by repositioning his remembered self in England rather than Dublin, then enhanced the potential for conflict by providing his boyhood persona with the verbal ability to defend a principle he but half understood against a half-felt wrong. The truth is that in , when Douglas Hyde was thirteen, he could not have made any honest claim to being an Irish speaker. His excercise books indicate that what he then knew of the language probably was limited to at most twenty or thirty common phrases.

These he had but recently begun to record as part of a newly serious effort to learn Irish, which until then he had simply parroted. His new method was to listen carefully to the Irish speakers who lived and worked on the glebe lands, at nearby Ratra, or at the edge of the bog; to repeat the sounds he thought he had heard; then like a magpie to take them home and store them in his exercise book, together with their meanings, using a phonetic system he had devised for himself.

Such a primitive program of study was possible because, contrary to the conclusions of census takers who had identified northwest Roscommon a sparsely settled midland area west of the Shannon, bordering Leitrim, Sligo, and Mayo as largely English-speaking, when Hyde was a boy many men and women of hill, hollow, and bog including those employed by Hyde's father and other local landlords still spoke Irish among themselves or used a mixture of Irish and English in their daily lives. In the cottages of Frenchpark, Fairymount, and Ballaghaderreen, even in some of the houses in Castlerea, Irish was therefore the first language of countless very young children and the only language of most ould wans —women and men in their seventies, eighties, and beyond who spoke the local north Roscommon dialect that has now long since died out and who were revered for their wisdom and memory and respected as guardians of cultural lore and traditions.

Contemporary scholars suggest that their dialect probably was close to the Irish still spoken today in Menlo, in east Galway. The content of Hyde's beginning Irish vocabulary was restricted, of course, by the context in which it was learned. The first expressions he reconstructed in his exercise book involved shooting, drinking, agricultural chores, marketing, and the weather. Sometimes in the shop in Ballaghaderreen or at the fair in Bellanagare, he would eavesdrop on other Irish speakers, testing his comprehension. Although Hyde's. It is almost certain that Hyde's upper-class schoolfellows in Kingstown would have known no Irish either.

These were the boys whom Hyde apparently set out to impress with his blas fluency , going so far as to pretend not only that he was bilingual, but that Irish was his native tongue. With twenty or thirty phrases at the ready to hurl into the contest he set up, there is no doubt that he would have had the advantage, if he had found anyone who considered a knowledge of Irish worthy of the challenge. Naive as he was at thirteen, with so little experience outside his native Roscommon was this the reason why, in retrospect, he thought the incident in the schoolyard had occurred when he was only ten?

His ability to rattle off an expression in Irish had won indulgent attention at home. Even his father, a Trinity graduate for whom education meant fluency in Latin and Greek, had shown interest in the increasing number of Irish words he was able to use, and Douglas's brother Arthur had told him that at Trinity College, Irish speakers were eligible to compete for a sizarship. Reactions in Kingstown were predictably different. To be sure, scholars did study Irish at Trinity College, then a bastion of Ascendancy attitudes and culture in the center of Dublin, but by "Irish" Trinity scholars meant the old language of Continental scribes that had been deciphered by European philologists, the classical language of bardic poets, or the literary language of chroniclers and historians artfully inscribed on parchment or vellum.

Regarded not as the heritage of modern Ireland but as artifacts of a lost civilization, such manuscripts, many of them collected a century earlier for the Duke of Buckingham by Dr. Charles O'Conor, the duke's librarian, were accessible only to those who could qualify for admission to the libraries and manuscript rooms of Trinity, Oxford, the Royal Irish Academy, or the British Museum Library, or to such private holdings as the family archive of the O'Conors of Clonalis. But the unrecorded daily language of thatched hut and bog cabin? To suggest that such Irish had any relation to the language of the manuscript tradition was, to most nineteenth-century scholars, to equate the cries of Italian street vendors with the poems of Catullus and Horace or the superstitions of Greek seamen.

No wonder the Kingstown schoolboys laughed and jeered. By the time Douglas realized that, contrary to his expectations, native fluency real or pretended in modern Irish would not enhance his stature in the Kingstown school—that, on the contrary, it would actually diminish him in the eyes of the other boys—apparently he had gone too far to reverse himself. His spirited defense, if delivered at all the words remembered in for delivery to Irish schoolchildren may represent only what Hyde wished he had said no doubt seemed in retrospect the right answer to their jeers. There is a 19 th century lithograph engraved by A. Hoffay from an original by I. Handley entitled "Inside of a slave ship, starboard side. There is also a photo taken in of the "Liberation Tree" or Wilberforce Oak in Keston , Kent - which according to Wilberforce's diaries is where he first told Pitt he intended to bring a bill against the slave trade in parliament.

There are images of a few of the Quakers involved in the abolition campaign. These include a portrait of William Dillwyn by C. Enquiries about obtaining reproductions from the picture collection should be made to the Assistant Librarian: Pictures Collection at the contact details below. The Library has a variety of commemorative anti-slavery china cups, saucers and plates with the famous logo showing a slave in chains. There is also a damaged silk handbag, which belonged to Rebecca Fox of Tottenham in the s screen-printed with a picture of a woman slave with a child. The Library has a number of sources and finding aids to help find biographical information. Most of these are listed in Library Guide 2: Genealogical Sources, copies of which can be downloaded from our website or requested from the Library.

It is advisable to telephone or email prior to visiting. A letter of introduction is required to consult archives and manuscripts and material on closed access. New researchers are asked to read the Library Rules; copies can be downloaded from our website or requested from the Library. For further information or help in using this Library please contact us by either emailing library quaker. The profits made from the global trade of sugar, tea and coffee were the major driving force behind the triangular trade. For centuries it provided substantial quantities of venture capital for the industrial revolution and the development of the western European economy.

The trade involved a number of prominent people at the time. Rich was one of the founders of the London-based company of Adventurers to Guinea and Benin. The company was established to trade with West Africa and supply enslaved Africans to the Americas. Charles I granted a licence to a group of London merchants in for the transportation of enslaved people from West Africa. By the s there were , enslaved people in British Caribbean colonies. It is estimated that million Africans were transported across the Atlantic into slavery.

Many more had died during capture and transportation. During the s nearly , enslaved Africans were transported across the Atlantic in British ships. The middle passage across the Atlantic was brutal. Enslaved Africans were packed into tight spaces and given barely enough food and water to stay alive. The slave ship Brookes. Repro ID F European sailors who crewed the ships also stood a high chance of not returning due to sickness during the voyage.

One of the most graphic and well-known images connected with the slave trade is the plan of the Brookes. This shows how overcrowded a slave ship could be and yet still remain within the legally permitted capacity. Account book of the snow 'Molly', a slave ship. Sailors who did return brought back tales of what they had seen during their voyages. However, only a few spoke about it publicly for fear of being refused further work by the powerful merchants, ship owners and captains engaged in the trade. It was a very profitable business often making a high rate of return on investment, as account books from the period show.

Powerful trading interests tried to prevent any regulation or abolition of the slave trade using a fierce campaign of misinformation, lies and delaying tactics. In order to expose the truth publicly about the triangular trade it was necessary to show conditions on the ships and plantations. These items shocked the British public, and educated them about Africa , plantation life and enslavement. The trade in slaves in England was made illegal in , and the last form of enforced servitude villeinage had disappeared in Britain by the beginning of the seventeenth century. However, by the eighteenth century black slaves began to be brought into London and Edinburgh as personal servants.

They were not bought or sold, and no legal action was taken to prevent this slavery until , when the case of a runaway slave named James Somerset forced a legal decision. Somerset 's lawyer Francis Hargrave stated " In , during the reign of Queen Elizabeth I, a lawsuit was brought against a man for beating another man he had bought as a slave overseas. The record states, 'That in the 11th [year] of Elizabeth [], one Cartwright brought a slave from Russia and would scourge him; for which he was questioned; and it was resolved, that England was too pure an air for a slave to breathe in. The state did not recognize one person as the property of another. This judgement emancipated the 10 to 14 thousand slaves in England and also laid down that slavery contracted in other jurisdictions such as the American colonies could not be enforced in England [2] slaves brought to England would automatically become free men.

Item 20 of The Grand Remonstrance , a list of grievances against Charles I and presented to him in , contains the following:. In the 17th century , slavery was used as punishment by conquering English Parliament armies against native Catholics in Ireland. Between the years and , during the Cromwellian conquest of Ireland by the New Model Army , under the command of Oliver Cromwell , thousands of Irish Catholics were forced into slavery. Cromwell had a deep religious dislike of the Catholic religion, and many Irish Catholics who had participated in Confederate Ireland had all their land confiscated and were transported to the British West Indies as slaves. The Church was later implicated in slavery.

Slaves owned by the Anglican Church 's Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts on its sugar plantations in the West Indies had the word "society" branded on their chests with red-hot irons. When slaves were emancipated through the British Parliament in the British Government paid compensation to slave owners. In one case the Bishop of Exeter and three business colleagues got compensation for the slaves they had to set free. Recently , Southwark Bishop Thomas Butler, at the Anglican Church's General Synod stated "The profits from the slave trade were part of the bedrock of our country's industrial development". In that time second serfdom took place in Eastern Europe during this period particularly in Austria , Hungary , Prussia , Russia and Poland.

Only in was a law passed in Poland that discontinued the nobility's control of the right to life or death of serfs. Serfdom remained the practice on the most part of territory of Russia until February 19, Some of the Roma people were enslaved over five centuries in Romania until abolition in Slavery in the French Republic was abolished on February 4 , IT is just ten inches high and carries ancient enamelling that commemorates Whitehaven's links to the slave trade. It was also the centre of an openly admitted pay-off to the underworld in Looking westward to sea the small fishing village at Whitehaven had blossomed from a cluster of 50 cottages to a port of 2, during the lifetime of it then owner, Sir James Lowther The impetus for this growth was easily dug coal that could be profitably shipped across the Irish Sea to feed the domestic grates of Dublin.

Sea walls and ship-building naturally followed. Then the bold ship-owners and their captains realised the money making possibilities of the New World. Virginia , named after the Virgin Queen Elizabeth 1 became the frequent destination for Whitehaven ships. The money making trade started with tobacco narcotics being a huge moneyspinner then, just as today The trade grew however and the West Indies attracted Cumbrian investment in plantations. Sugar was the driving force to this trade, as was the rum that was distilled from it. It was the need for labour to service this sugar and rum business that Whitehaven joined with London, Bristol and Liverpool merchants in the triangular trade taking tools and fancy goods to bribe arab slave traders in West Africa.

These traders supplied negro slaves to be shipped to the Caribbean. The same ships then loaded up with sugar and rum before returning to Britain. For at least ten years Whitehaven was involved in this human trade until when the town appeared to swing behind the growing movement for abolition of slavery. In the Virginia archives Copeland museum collections officer Gillian Findley found typical references as follows: 'Early Virginia Immigrants' and 'Maryland and Virginia Colonials' with plenty of evidence of the importance of 18th century Whitehaven as a gateway for both southern Scots and northern English bound for the Americas. There are mention too of familiar-sounding Whitehaven vessels and folk including the following entries: January , Passengers from Whitehaven to Virginia by the Mary and Ann, Mr Joseph Bell: George Stevens of Virginia, planter, aged 40, returning home; George Craik of Whitehaven, Cumberland ,schoolmaster, aged 28, to follow his occupation; Sarah Cherry of Whitehaven, aged 22, indentured servant.

Similar mention is made of other ' Cumberland ' working people, many in their 20s, off to make a new life in Virginia , 'following their trade'? See more on Whitehaven's USA connections. It carries the Royal coat of arms of King George 3rd and on the other side a hand painting of a sailing ship and the words "Success to the African Trade of Whitehaven". The goblet had been made to commemorate the launch of the slave ship 'King George'. Jones was to later speak of his dislike of "this abominable trade. Events now move to when Whitehaven's museum curator Harry Fancy realised the Bielby goblet was for sale and likely to follow in Paul Jone's footsteps across the Atlantic. The Victoria and Albert Museum moved swiftly and tried to halt the export.

Harry said of the bid to keep the goblet in England "It was a David and Goliath situation. Copeland Council and other grant donations won the day and the goblet was saved for Whitehaven. But life for the year old piece of glassware took a further bizarre twist. In the woefully poor security at Whitehaven museum was breached when theives smashed a glass case and fled down a rear fire escape with the goblet. Customs kept watch, but the valuable and so easily damaged goblet had vanished. That is until covert calls were made to police from the underworld.

Possible as result of a high reward being offered the thieves had made contact. The goblet could be returned, unharmed, but in return for hard cash. The insurers were brought into secret talks. He and curator, Harry Fancy were then handed in return a plain cardboard box. Inside layers of tissue paper were lifted to reveal the deep greeny glass and its gleaming enamelling. Detective O'Connell said he suspected the goblet had passed through several hands, as it was so 'hot' and easily tracable. In Copeland Council decided to issue a formal apology for slavery, made on behalf of the people of Copeland, to mark the Wilberforce bi-centenary next year in For at least ten years Whitehaven was involved in this human trade until when the town swung behind the growing movement for abolition of slavery.

Amateur researcher Jean McInally, who hails from Kells but now lives in Scotland , has spotted the unique nature of the slave burial in English history. The British then brought in very harsh laws against the African slave population. They probably knew she was ailing and the baptism would have enabled her to be buried alongside her mistress. They were great friends. Cumbria was more advanced than the rest of the country by about years! Before he died in he knew his bill was going through Parliament and it was passed just after he died, The Abolition of the Slave Trade.

He had friends in Cumbria. A civil war was fought over it and it was the s, s, before the colour bar started to fall. America would be a wild place as she was growing up in the s. Pirates raiding the coastal settlements. Britain , France and Spain all fighting over the sugar, tobacco and rum trade. American Indians fighting to keep their land and way of life and the terrible slave ships and auctions. Modern Slavery continues There has been publicity this year Over the use of child slave labour in the cocoa plantations of West Africa. An outcry turned into a mystery about the fate of dozens of children reported to be in a suspected slave ship in west African waters when the vessel docked in Cotonou , Benin , in April with none of the suspected victims on board.

The government of Benin and UN officials had claimed that about children destined to work as slaves on plantations in Gabon were in the Nigerian-registered MV Etireno. UN officials in Cotonou speculated that the other children might have been put ashore elsewhere after the publicity about the ship and its cargo or, at worst, dumped at sea. To add to the confusion, there were reports of a ship carrying a large number of children trying to dock in Equatorial Guinea. A Dutch slave trader exchanged his cargo of Africans for food in The Africans became indentured servants, similar in legal position to many poor Englishmen who traded several years labor in exchange for passage to America. The popular conception of a racial-based slave system did not develop until the 's.

The legend has been repeated endlessly that the first blacks in Virginia were "indentured servants," but there is no hint of this in the records. The legend grew up because the word slave did not appear in Virginia records until , and statutes defining the status of blacks began to appear casually in the s. The inference was then made that blacks called servants must have had approximately the same status as white indentured servants. Such reasoning failed to notice that Englishmen, in the early seventeenth century, used the work servant when they meant slave in our sense, and, indeed, white Southerners invariably used servant until and beyond. Slave entered the Southern vocabulary as a technical word in trade, law and politics.

James town had exported 10 tons of tobacco to Europe and was a boomtown. The export business was going so well the colonists were able to afford two imports which would greatly contribute to their productivity and quality of life. The Africans were paid for in food; each woman cost pounds of tobacco. The Blacks were bought as indentured servants from a passing Dutch ship low on food, and the women were supplied by a private English company. Those who married the women had to pay their passage pounds of tobacco. With the success of tobacco planting, African Slavery was legalized in Virginia and Maryland , becoming the foundation of the Southern agrarian economy.

Although the number of African American slaves grew slowly at first, by the s they had become essential to the economy of Virginia. Before Great Britain prohibited its subjects from participating in the slave trade, between , and , Africans had been forcibly transported to North America. Microsoft Corporation. Following the arrival of twenty Africans aboard a Dutch man-of-war in Virginia in , the face of American slavery began to change from the "tawny" Indian to the "blackamoor" African in the years between and Though the issue is complex, the unsuitability of Native Americans for the labor intensive agricultural practices, their susceptibility to European diseases, the proximity of avenues of escape for Native Americans, and the lucrative nature of the African slave trade led to a transition to an African based institution of slavery.

During this period of transition, however, the colonial "wars" against the Pequots, the Tuscaroras, the Yamasees, and numerous other Indian nations led to the enslavement and relocation of tens of thousands of Native Americans. In the early years of the eighteenth century, the number of Native American slaves in areas such as the Carolinas may have been as much as half of the African slave population.

During this transitional period, Africans and Native Americans shared the common experience of enslavement. In addition to working together in the fields, they lived together in communal living quarters, produced collective recipes for food and herbal remedies, shared myths and legends, and ul tim ately became lovers. The intermarriage of Africans and Native Americans was facilitated by the disproportionality of African male slaves to females 3 to 1 and the decimation of Native American males by disease, enslavement, and prolonged wars with the colonists.

As Native American societies in the Southeast were primarily matrilineal, African males who married Native American women often became members of the wife's clan and citizens of the respective nation. As relationships grew, the lines of distinction began to blur. The evolution of red-black people began to pursue its own course; many of the people who came to be known as slaves, free people of color, Africans, or Indians were most often the product of integrating cultures.

The depth and complexity of this intermixture is revealed in a slave code in South Carolina: all Negroes and Indians, free Indians in amity with this government, and Negroes, mulattos, and mustezoes, who are now free, excepted mulattos or mustezoes who are now, or shall hereafter be in this province, and all their issue and offspring Millions of Native Americans were also enslaved, particularly in South America.

In the American colonies in , nearly 25 percent of the slaves in the Carolinas were Cherokee, Creek, or other Native Americans. From the s through the early s, small numbers of white people were also enslaved by kidnapping, or for crimes or debts. In the Americas , there were added dimensions to this resistance, especially reactions to the racial characteristics of chattel slavery. This fundamental difference from the condition of slaves in Africa emerged gradually, although the roots of racial categories were established early.

Acts of resistance that combined indentured Irish workers, African slaves, and Amer-Indian prisoners did occur, although in the end these alliances disintegrated. Furthermore, slaves did not consolidate ethnic identifications on the basis of color, but it was widely understood that most blacks were slaves and no slaves were white. Although there were black, mulatto and American-born slave owners in some colonies in the Americas , and many whites did not own slaves, chattel slavery was fundamentally different in the Americas from other parts of the world because of the racial dimension. Hilary McD. Cited by Paul E. Tobacco was considered powerful medicine by native Americans.

Cigarettes of today have been adulterated to enhance their addictive properties. Though ritual varied, "Smoking [by native Americans] was chiefly done after the evening meal, in the sweathouse, before going to sleep. It was a social ritual, and the pipes were passed around the group. A man never let his pipe out of his sight. Occasionally he would stop for a smoke when on a journey or when meeting someone on the trail. In fact, the first twenty "Negar" slaves had arrived from the West Indies in a Dutch vessel and were sold to the governor and a merchant in James town in late August of , as reported by John Rolfe to John Smith back in London.

Robinson, Donald L. Slavery and the Structure of American Politics, - The first public slave auction of 23 individuals, disgracefully, was held in James town square itself in What were to become the parameters and properties of the "peculiar institution" were defined in the Virginia General Assembly from about onwards. Negro indenture, then, appears to have been no more than a legal fiction of brief duration in Virginia. Black freedmen would live in a legal limbo until the general emancipation in , unable to stand witness in their own defense against the tes tim ony of any Euro-American.

The General Court dispositions that appear after seem to support this contention. Barbados was the first British possession to enact restrictive legislation governing slaves in , and other colonial administrations, especially Virginia and Maryland , quickly adopted similar rules modeled on it. Whipping and branding, borrowed from Roman practice via the Iberian-American colonies, appeared early and with vicious audacity. Plymouth , for the most part, had servants and not slaves, meaning that most black servants were given their freedom after turning 25 years old--under similar contractual arrangement as English apprenticeships.

According to Dutch law, the children of manumitted freed slaves are bound to slavery. Willie F. Studies in African American History and Culture. New York : Garland Publishing, Bibliographical referen1ces and index. R evi ewed for H-R evi ew by Dennis R. Hidalgo , Central Michigan University. One Virginian slave, named Emanuel, was convicted of trying to escape in July, , and was condemned to thirty stripes, with the letter "R" for "runaway" branded on his cheek and "work in a shackle one year or more as his master shall see cause. Washington, D. Page The Virginia law, penalizes people sheltering runaways 20 pounds worth of tobacco for each night of refuge granted. Slaves are branded after a second escape attempt.

Tobacco exports bring prosperity to the Virginia colony. Virginia , after all, had been the primary site for the development of black slavery in the Americas. By the s some of the indentured servants had earned their freedom. Because replacements, whether black or white, were in limited supply and more costly, the Virginia plantation owners considered the advantages of the "perpetual servitude" policy exercised by Caribbean landowners. Following the lead of Massachusetts and Connecticut , Virginia legalized slavery in In the king of England chartered the Royal African Company to bring the shiploads of slaves into trading centers like James town , Hampton , and Yorktown. Compton 's Encyclopedia Online. Compton's Encyclopedia Online. In the state of nature, life is "nasty, brutish, and short.

At first the legal status of Africans in America was poorly defined, and some, like European indentured servants, managed to become free after several years of service. From the s, however, the colonies began enacting laws that defined and regulated slave relations. Central to these laws was the provision that black slaves, and the children of slave women, would serve for life. This premise, combined with the natural population growth among the slaves, meant that slavery could survive and grow… "Slavery in the United States ," Microsoft Encarta 98 Encyclopedia.

The continuing demand for African slaves' labor arose from the development of plantation agriculture, the long-term rise in prices and consumption of sugar, and the demand for miners. Not only did Africans represent skilled laborers, but they were also experts in tropical agriculture. Consequently, they were well-suited for plantation agriculture. The high immunity of Africans to malaria and yellow fever compared with Europeans and the indigenous peoples made them more suitable for tropical labor.

While white and red labor were used initially, Africans were the final solution to the acute labor problem in the New World. Slaves were mostly for sugar plantations, diamond mines in Brazil , house servants, on tobacco farms in Virginia , in gold mines in Hispaniola and later the cotton industry in the Southern States of the USA. Descoutilz: Flore pittoresque et medicale des Antilles. Despite this growth in tobacco production, problems in price-stability and quality existed. In , when the English markets became glutted with tobacco, prices fell so low that the colonists were barely able to survive.

In response to this, planters began mixing other organic material, such as leaves and the sweepings from their homes, in with the tobacco, as an attempt to make up by quantity what they lost by low prices. The exporting of this trash tobacco solved the colonists' immediate cash flow problems, but accentuated the problems of overproduction and deterioration of quality. During the next fifty years they came up with three solutions. First, they reduced the amount of tobacco produced; second, they regularized the trade by fixing the size of the tobacco hogshead and prohibiting shipments of bulk tobacco; finally, they improved quality by preventing the exportation of trash tobacco.

These solutions soon fell through because there was no practical way to enforce the law. It was not until , when the Virginia Inspection Acts were passed, that tobacco trade laws were fully enforced Middleton, Arthur Pierce. Tobacco Coast. Newport News , Virginia : Mariners' Museum, Colonial Maryland. Nashville , Tennessee : Thomas Nelson Inc. The following year, the colony went one step further by stating that children born would be bonded or free according to the status of the mother. Mark Lause American Labor History. After , freed black slaves were banished from Virginia.

Citing Virginia statute providing that "[c]hildren got by an Englishman upon a Negro woman shall be bond or free according to the condition of the mother". Throughout the late 17th and early 18th century, several colonial legislatures adopted similar rules which reversed the usual common law presumptions that the status of the child was determined by the father. See id. These laws facilitated the breeding of slaves through Black women's bodies and allowed for slaveholders to reproduce their own labor force.

For a discussion of Race and Gender see Cheryl I. It was conventional wisdom in the South that the best way to get a good house servant was to raise one. Often, children were taken from their parents to sleep in the Big House as well as to eat, work and play there. Their families were replaced by the families of their owners, with their position in those families clearly defined. The Laws of Virginia , , These statutes chart the development of regulations on the sexual and reproductive lives of indentured servants and slaves, the growing institutionalization of slavery, and the construction of racism.

Note the increasingly harsh penalties and how punishments differed by gender. The first known Virginia statute punishing interracial sexual relations was enacted in As early as , Virginia had enacted a statute punishing interracial marriage. The an tim iscegenation laws and prohibitions were the legal manifestations of an often violently enforced taboo against sexual relations between white women and black men. The punishment in for marriage between an English or white individual and a black, mulatto, or Indian was banishment and removal from Virginia forever. The last an tim iscegenation laws in Virginia were overturned in Slavery in the United States was governed by an extensive body of law developed from the s to the s.

Every slave state had its own slave code and body of court decisions. All slave codes made slavery a permanent condition, inherited through the mother, and defined slaves as property, usually in the same terms as those applied to real estate. Slaves, being property, could not own property or be a party to a contract. Since marriage is a form of a contract, no slave marriage had any legal standing. All codes also had sections regulating free blacks, who were still subject to controls on their movements and employment and were often required to leave the state after emancipation. Slaves charged with crimes in Virginia were tried in special non-jury courts created in The purpose of the courts was not to guarantee due process but to set an example speedily. Schwarz, a Virginia Commonwealth University professor who has studied slave courts.

Offending slaves were hung, burned at the stake, dismembered, castrated and branded in addition to the usual whippings. White fear of black rebellion was a constant undercurrent. Free white women who marry black slaves are to be slaves during the lives of their spouses, Ironically, children born of white servant women and blacks are regarded as free by a law. Third Edition Bellwether Publishing. A servant betrayed plot of white servants and Negro slaves in Gloucester County , Virginia.

And Maryland Historical Chronology. This particular act remained in effect for over years, and between and the law was extended to forbid the marriage of Malaysians with blacks or whites. The law was finally repealed in There had been a number of marriages between white women and slaves by when Maryland passed a law which made them and their mixed-race children slaves for life, noting that "divers freeborne English women forgettfull of their free Condicon and to the disgrace of our Nation doe intermarry with Negro Slaves" [Archives of Maryland, ].

Throughout most of the colonial period, opposition to slavery among white Americans was virtually nonexistent. Settlers in the 17th and early 18th centuries came from sharply stratified societies in which the wealthy savagely exploited members of the lower classes. Lacking a later generation's belief in natural human equality, they saw little reason to question the enslavement of Africans. As they sought to mold a docile labor force, planters resorted to harsh, repressive measures that included liberal use of whipping and branding.

One characteristic which set American slavery apart was its racial basis. In America , with only a few early and insignificant exceptions, all slaves were Africans, and almost all Africans were slaves. This placed the label of inferiority on black skin and on African culture. In other societies, it had been possible for a slave who obtained his freedom to take his place in his society with relative ease. In America , however, when a slave became free, he was still obviously an African.

The taint of inferiority clung to him. Not only did white America become convinced of white superiority and black inferiority, but it strove to impose these racial beliefs on the Africans themselves. Slave masters gave a great deal of attention to the education and training of the ideal slave, In general, there were five steps in molding the character of such a slave: strict discipline, a sense of his own inferiority, belief in the master's superior power, acceptance of the master's standards, and, finally, a deep sense of his own helplessness and dependence. At every point this education was built on the belief in white superiority and black inferiority. Besides teaching the slave to despise his own history and culture, the master strove to inculcate his own value system into the African's outlook.

The white man's belief in the African's inferiority paralleled African self hate. The psychological impact on the individual of slavery contrasted to that of individuals who survived the Nazi holocaust, In Stanley M. Elkins thinking, the concentration camps were a modern example of a rigid system controlling mass behavior. Because some of those who experienced them were social scientists trained in the skills of observation and analysis, they provide a basis for insights into the way in which a particular social system can influence mass character. While there is also much literature about American slavery written both by slaves and masters, none of it was written from the viewpoint of modern social sciences. However, Elkins postulates that a slave type must have existed as the result of the attempt to control mass behavior, and he believes that this type probably bore a marked resemblance to the literary stereotype of "Sambo.

Although slavery was not unlike the concentration camp in many respects, the concentration camp can be viewed as a highly perverted form of slavery, and both systems were ways of controlling mass behavior. The concentration camp experience began with what has become labeled as shock procurement. As terror was one of the many tools of the system, surprise late-night arrests were the favorite technique. Camp inmates generally agreed that the train ride to the camp was the point at which they experienced the first brutal torture.

Herded together into cattle cars, without adequate space, ventilation, or sanitary conditions, they had to endure the horrible crowding and the harassment of the guards. When they reached the camp, they had to stand naked in line and undergo a detailed examination by the camp physician. Then, each was given a tag and a number. These two events were calculated to strip away one's identity and to reduce the individual to an item within an impersonal system.

University of Chicago. This operation is performed with pieces of silver wire, or small irons fashioned into the merchant's initials, heated just hot enough to blister without burning the skin. When the entire cargo is the venture of but one proprietor, the branding is always dispensed with. The feast over, they are taken alongside the vessel in canoes; and as they touch the deck, they are entirely stripped, so that women as well as men go out of Africa as they came into it-naked. This precaution, it is understood, is indispensable; for perfect nudity, during the whole voyage, is the only means of securing cleanliness and health.

In this state they are immediately ordered below, the men to the hold and the women to the cabin, while boys and girls are, day and night, kept on deck, where their sole protection from the elements is a sail in fair weather, and a tarpaulin in foul. Thirty years ago, when the Spanish slave trade was lawful, the captains were somewhat ceremoniously religious than at present, and it was then a universal habit to make the gangs say grace before meat, and give thanks afterwards. In our days, however, they dispense with this ritual… This over, a bucket of salt water is served to each mess by way of 'finger glasses' for the ablution of hands, after which a kidd-either of rice, farina, yams, or beans-according to the tribal habit of the negroes, is placed before the squad.

In order to prevent greediness or inequality in the appropriation of nourishment, the process is performed by signals from a monitor, whose motions indicate when the darkies shall dip and when they shall swallow. The second mate and boatswain descend into the hold, whip in hand, and range the slaves in their regular places; those on the right side of the vessel facing forward, and lying in each other's lap, while those on the left are similarly stowed with their faces towards the stern. In this way each negro lies on his right side, which is considered preferable for the action of the heart.

In allotting places, particular attention is paid to size, the taller being selected for the greatest breadth of the vessel, while the shorter and younger are lodged near the bows. When the cargo is large and the lower deck crammed, the supernumeraries are disposed of on deck, which is securely covered with boards to shield them from moisture. The strict discipline of nightly stowage is, of course, of the greatest importance in slavers, else every negro would accommodate himself as if he were a passenger. In remuneration for his services, which, it may be believed, are admirably performed whenever the whip is required, he is adorned with an old shirt or tarry trousers. Now and then, billets of wood are distributed among the sleepers, but this luxury is never granted until the good temper of the negroes is ascertained, for slaves have often been tempted to mutiny by the power of arming themselves with these pillows from the forest.

Even the most abstract ideals of the [German] SS, such as their intense German nationalism and anti-Semitism, were often absorbed by the old [concentration camp] inmates-a phenomenon observed among the politically well-educated and even among the Jews themselves. The final quintessence of all this was seen in the "Kapo" the prisoner who had been placed in a supervisory position over his fellow inmates.

These creatures, many of them professional criminals, not only behaved with slavish servility to the SS, but the way in which they often out did the SS in sheer brutality became one of the most durable features of the concentration-camp legend. When the vessels arrive at their destined port, the Negroes are again exposed naked to the eyes of all that flock together, and the examination of their purchasers. Then they are separated to the plantations of their several masters, to see each other no more. Here you may see mothers hanging over their daughters, bedewing their naked breasts with tears, and daughters clinging to their parents, till the whipper soon obliges them to part.

And what can be more wretched than the condition they then enter upon? Banished from their country, from their friends and relations for ever, from every comfort of life, they are reduced to a state scarce anyway preferable to that of beasts of burden. In general, a few roots, not of the nicest kind, usually yams or potatoes, are their food; and two rags, that neither screen them from the heat of the day, nor the cold of the night, their covering. Their sleep is very short, their labour continual, and frequently above their strength; so that death sets many of them at liberty before they have lived out half their days. The tim e they work in the West Indies, is from day-break to noon, and from two o'clock till dark; during which tim e, they are attended by overseers, who, if they think them dilatory, or think anything not so well done as it should be, whip them most unmercifully, so that you may see their bodies long after wealed and scarred usually from the shoulders to the waist.

And before they are suffered to go to their quarters, they have commonly something to do, as collecting herbage for the horses, or gathering fuel for the boilers; so that it is often past twelve before they can get home. Hence, if their food is not prepared, they are some tim es called to labour again, before they can satisfy their hunger. And no excuse will avail. If they are not in the field immediately, they must expect to feel the lash. Did the Creator intend that the noblest creatures in the visible world should live such a life as this?

Africa occupies just over 20 percent of the earth's land surface and has roughly 20 percent of the world's population, but European slave traders in the 17th century and the next will decimate the continent by exporting human chattels and introducing new diseases. The transatlantic slave trade produced one of the largest forced migrations in history. From the early 16th to the midth centuries, between 10 million and 11 million Africans were taken from their homes, herded onto ships where they were some tim es so tightly packed that they could barely move, and sent to a strange new land.

Since others died before boarding the ships, Africa 's loss of population was even greater. While Ghana was the headquarters of the African slave trade, Tropical America was the real center of the trade. Thirty-six of the forty-two slave fortress were located in Ghana. The slave trade had the greatest impact upon central and western African. The Bight of Biafra was one of the most important sources of enslaved Africans sent to the Americas in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. Indeed, the forced transport of considerable numbers of Igbo-speaking slaves and others from the interior of the Bight of Biafra across the Atlantic was a central development in the emergence of relatively cohesive ethnic groups in the African diaspora.

Igbo, "Moko", "Bibi" and other ethnic groups have been identified in many parts of the Americas , most especially in Jamaica , the tidewater areas of Maryland and Virginia , and other anglophone colonies. Nonetheless, little research has been undertaken to explore the cultural and historical continuities and disjunctures in this population displacement. Moreover the repercussions of the trans-Atlantic slave trade on the interior of the Bight of Biafra during the period of heaviest population displacement in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries remain poorly understood.

The countries in parentheses are rough approximations to help you find the location on a modern map. Compid by Kwame Bandele from information in P. Curtin's book, "Atlantic Slave Trade" p. In the s the coasts of West Africa had three main divisions controlled by Europeans in their effort to monopolize the slave trade. This coastline was also designated the Windward Coast because of the heavy winds on the shore.

East of the Volta River was the Slave Coast which was so named because the slave trade was at its height there since the African kings Slattees permitted Europeans to compete equally for Africans to become slaves. The West Africans who became slaves from this region were all Bantus. The trading of Africans from the West Coast provided an economic boon for the Europeans. The trading of Africans from the West Coast produced the heinous Middle passage. Slave brokers believed that there were traits of the various African peoples and the preferences of the slave brokers for slaves from specific groups.

Colonists always held some view of which tribes produced the most desirable slaves, and this preferred tribal affiliation changed depending on the work and the era. The docile Gold Coast slave was the preferred worker for a while before the Senegambians were elevated to an equal status. The Ashanti were more likely to seek revenge on their oppressor, which put them among the least sought-after tribes. Margaret Washington's chapter on the Gullahs in Edward Countryman, ed.

How Did American Slavery Begin? Boston : St. Martins, Bibliographical references. R evi ewed for H-Survey by Brian D. Imperial African States that we know about mostly developed along the Sahel "Corridor" which was the major trade route between East and West Africa. The Sahel "shore" was seen as a "coastline" on the great expanse of the Sahara Desert. S5 July DT The purpose of the map is to show the general direction of the prinicpal sea routes of Arab, European and American trade in African slaves up to The study of the African component of slave resistance may appear to be the exception to the general state of slave studies, which has tended to pay more attention to the European influences on the Americas rather than the continuities with African history.

Palmares is identified as an "African" kingdom in Brazil ; an early and important example of the quilombos and palenques of Latin America which also often revealed a strong African link See the excellent studies in Richard M. Price, ed. Bal tim ore, ; Patterson, "Slavery and Slave Revolts," In Jamaica , enslaved Akan are identified with rebellion and marronage; they are considered responsible for setting the course of cultural development among the maroons. Also see Mavis C. Despite the identification of the ethnic factor, however, most studies of slave resistance fail to examine the historical context in Africa from which these rebellious slaves came. Whether or not there were direct links or informal influences that shaped specific acts of resistance simply has not been determined in most cases.

Because the African background has been poorly understood, perhaps, scholars have tended to concentrate on the European influences which shaped the agenda of slave resistance. Eugene Genovese, for example, has argued that there was a fundamental shift in the patterns of resistance by slaves at the end of the eighteenth century, which he correlated with the French Revolution and the destruction of slavery in St. Eugene D. Before the s, according to Genovese, slave resistance tended to draw inspiration from the African past, but the content of that past remains obscure in Genovese's vision. With the spread of revolutionary doctrines in Europe and the Americas , slaves acquired elements of a new ideology that reinforced their resistance to slavery.

The process of creolization, which introduced slaves to European thought, brought the actions of slaves more into line with the revolutionary movement emanating from Europe. Genovese's interpretation further highlights the problem of identifying the impact of African history on the development of the diaspora. Scholars who are not well versed in African history seem to have a cloudy image of the African contribution to resistance and the evolution of slave culture. Perhaps it is to be expected, therefore, that European influence is more easy to recognize than African influence. For Genovese, following the earlier lead of C. James , C. Domingue uprising that the African dimension is not relevant.

As Thornton has demonstrated, however, even the uprising in St. Domingue had its African antecedents, especially the legacy of the Kongo civil war. John K. The complex blending of African and European experiences undoubtedly changed over tim e, but until African history is studied in the diaspora, it will be difficult to weigh the relative importance of the European and African traditions. Both images above. Go to URL below to zoom in on detailed and exact locations. During the s when the Atlantic slave trade was flourishing, West Africans accounted for approximately two-thirds of the African captives imported into the Americas.

The coastal ports where these Africans were assembled, and from where they were exported, are located on this midth-century map extending from present-day Senegal and Gambia on the northwest to Gabon on the southeast. This decorated and colored map illustrates the dress, dwellings, and work of some Africans. The map also reflects the international interest in the African trade by the use of Latin, French, and Dutch place names. Guinea propia, nec non Nigritiae vel Terrae Nigrorum maxima pars. Nuremberg: Homann Hereditors, , Hand-colored, engraved map. Similar map, of West Africa , Not displayed here, but click on this URL. Snelgrave voyaged to West Africa as a slaver from to Handler and Michael L. The slave trade from Africa is said to have uprooted as many as 20 million people from their homes and brought them to the Americas.

Slavery had existed as a human institution for centuries, but the slaves were usually captives taken in war or members of the lowest class in a society. The black African slave trade, by contrast, was a major economic enterprise. It made the traders rich and brought an abundant labor supply to the islands of the Caribbean and to the American Colonies. The Methodist theologian, John Wesley, described how slaves were generally procured, carried to, and treated in, America.

In what manner are they procured? Part of them by fraud. Captains of ships, from tim e to tim e, have invited Negroes to come on board, and then carried them away. But far more have been procured by force. The Christians, landing upon their coasts, seized as many as they found, men, women, and children, and transported them to America. It was about that the English began trading to Guinea ; at first, for gold and elephants' teeth; but soon after, for men. But the natives flying, they fell farther down, and there set the men on shore, "to burn their towns and take the inhabitants. So they went still farther down, till, having taken enough, they proceeded to the West Indies and sold them. It was some tim e before the Europeans found a more compendious way of procuring African slaves, by prevailing upon them to make war upon each other, and to sell their prisoners.

Till then they seldom had any wars; but were in general quiet and peaceable. But the white men first taught them drunkenness and avarice, and then hired them to sell one another. Nay, by this means, even their Kings are induced to sell their own subjects. So Mr. Moore, factor of the African Company in , informs us: "When the King of Barsalli wants goods or brandy, he sends to the English Governor at James 's Fort, who immediately sends a sloop. Against the tim e it arrives, he plunders some of his neighbours' towns, selling the people for the goods he wants. At other tim es he falls upon one of his own towns, and makes bold to sell his own subjects.

He seized three hundred of his own people, and sent word he was ready to deliver them for the goods. They come at night without noise, and if they find any lone cottage, surround it and carry off all the people. Others are stolen. Abundance of little Blacks, of both sexes, are stolen away by their neighbours, when found abroad on the road, or in the woods, or else in the corn-fields, at the tim e of year when their parents keep them there all day to scare away the devouring birds. People have asked why Africans themselves engaged in the slave trade.

Given the function of slavery in African societies, the origin of their participation is not too difficult to understand. First and foremost, slavery was not confused with the notion of superiority and inferiority, a notion later invoked as justification for black slavery in America. On the contrary, it was not at all uncommon for African owners to adopt slave children or to marry slave women, who then became full members of the family. Slaves of talent accumulated property and in some instances reached the status of kings; Jaja of Opobo in Nigeria is a case in point. Lacking contact with American slavery, African traders could be expected to assume that the lives of slaves overseas would be as much as they were in Africa; they had no way of knowing that whites in America associated dark colors with sub-human qualities and status, or that they would treat slaves as chattels generation after generation.

When Nigeria 's Madame Tinubu, herself a slave-trader, discovered the difference between domestic and non-African slavery, she became an abolitionist, actively rejecting what she saw as the corruption of African slavery by the unjust and inhumane habits of its foreign practitioners and by the motivation to make war for profit on the sale of captives. On Slavery By Femi Akomolafe. The mortality rate among these new slaves ran very high. It is es tim ated that some five percent died in Africa on the way to the coast, another thirteen percent in transit to the West Indies , and still another thirty percent during the three-month seasoning period in the West Indies.

This meant that about fifty percent of those originally captured in Africa died either in transit or while being prepared for servitude. Even this statistic, harsh as it is, does not tell the whole story of the human cost involved in the slave trade. Most slaves were captured in the course of warfare, and many more Africans were killed in the course of this combat. The total number of deaths, then, ran much higher than those killed en route. Many Africans became casualty statistics, directly or indirectly, because of the slave trade.

Beyond this, there was the untold human sorrow and misery borne by the friends and relatives of those Africans who were torn away from home and loved ones and were never seen again. It was obvious, however, that the vic tim s of the modern slave trade could not be said to have been acquired directly in war. They had been purchased from African rulers who had seized them in raids whose only purpose had been to acquire this valuable human commodity for the insatiable European market. To this, the advocates of the trade replied by claiming that the Africans purchased by the traders had originally been taken prisoner in "just" wars between Africans. The speciousness of this argument was evi dent from the beginning.

But most slavers accepted what they claimed were African assurances that their human merchandise had indeed been "saved" in a just war, on the principle that it is not up to the purchaser to discover if the goods he is buying have been acquired legi tim ately or not. In this way slavery remained linked, throughout its year history, to internecine African warfare. Thomas seems to imply that Africans, since they were involved in the trade, must take some measure of the blame for it. This can hardly be denied. What Thomas overlooks, though, is the degree to which the European slave trade contributed to the situation from which it benefited. The abolitionists had always been fully aware of the possible impact of the trade upon Africa. Modern slavers were faced with a further problem: religion.

The New Republic; I cannot exculpate any commercial nation from this sweeping censure. We s tim ulate the negro's passions by the introduction of wants and fancies never dreamed of by the simple native, while slavery was an institution of domestic need and comfort alone. But what was once a luxury has now ripened into an absolute necessity; so that MAN, in truth, has become the coin of Africa , and the 'legal tender' of a brutal trade. African selling slaves to a European, 19th cent. Andrew Jackson's Indian Removal Act forcibly removes five Indian nations from the lower South to less desirable land in the West, thus opening roughly 25 million acres to cotton cultivation. Thus is 30 years, the free colored population was nearly doubled, while the slave population was halved.

It would be inaccurate to infer from this that there was any wholesale manumission or that the District was haven for free Negroes. The free Negroes were of several classes: Those whose antecedents had never been slaves, such as descendents of indentured servants; those born of free parent, or of free mothers; those manumitted; those who had bought their own freedom, or whose kinsmen had bought it for them; and those who were successful runaways.

The first agencies to be contacted would be local fair play enforcement and area military. Her brothers were understood to be The Role Of Note-Taking In The Mirror Of Literature care and responsibility of their father; Maturity And Independence In Katherine Mansfields The Garden Party attitudes and Maturity And Independence In Katherine Mansfields The Garden Party shaped her future and placed Maturity And Independence In Katherine Mansfields The Garden Party, during childhood and adolescence, under her Maturity And Independence In Katherine Mansfields The Garden Party supervision. Social Work Although it could be argued that this was due Maturity And Independence In Katherine Mansfields The Garden Party the growing independence of women, its hard to deny that the act had a large aftermath on this.

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