⭐⭐⭐⭐⭐ Relational Cultural Theory

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Relational Cultural Theory

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An Introduction to Relational-Cultural Theory, by Linda Hartling et al., 2003

In older age, theory of mind capacities decline, irrespective of how exactly they are tested e. In contrast to theory of mind, empathy shows no impairments in aging. There are two kinds of theory of mind representations: cognitive concerning the mental states, beliefs, thoughts, and intentions of others and affective concerning the emotions of others. Cognitive theory of mind is further separated into first order e.

There is evidence that cognitive and affective theory of mind processes are functionally independent from one another. However, it is difficult to discern a clear pattern of theory of mind variation due to age. There have been many discrepancies in the data collected thus far, likely due to small sample sizes and the use of different tasks that only explore one aspect of theory of mind. Many researchers suggest that the theory of mind impairment is simply due to the normal decline in cognitive function. Researchers have proposed that five key aspects of theory of mind develop sequentially for all children between the ages of three to five. However, children from Iran and China develop theory of mind in a slightly different order. Although they begin the development of theory of mind around the same time, toddlers from these countries understand knowledge access KA before Western children but take longer to understand diverse beliefs DB.

Because of these different cultural values, Iranian and Chinese children might take longer to understand that other people have different beliefs and opinions. This suggests that the development of theory of mind is not universal and solely determined by innate brain processes but also influenced by social and cultural factors. Theory of mind can also help historians to more properly understand historical figures' character, e.

Thomas Jefferson, who emancipationists, like Douglas L. Wilson and scholars at the Thomas Jefferson Foundation, view as an opponent of slavery all his life, noting that Jefferson did what he could within the limited range of options available to him to undermine it, his many attempts at abolition legislation, the manner in which he provided for slaves, and his advocacy of their more humane treatment. This is in contrast to the revisionists like Paul Finkelman , criticizes Jefferson for racism, slavery, and hypocrisy. Emancipationist views on this hypocrisy recognize that if he tried to be true to his word, it would have alienated his fellow Virginians.

Franklin D. Roosevelt did not join NAACP leaders in pushing for federal anti-lynching legislation, as he believed that such legislation was unlikely to pass and that his support for it would alienate Southern congressmen, including many of Roosevelt's fellow Democrats. Whether children younger than 3 or 4 years old may have any theory of mind is a topic of debate among researchers. It is a challenging question, due to the difficulty of assessing what pre-linguistic children understand about others and the world.

Tasks used in research into the development of Theory of Mind must take into account the umwelt — the German word Umwelt means "environment" or "surrounding world" —of the pre-verbal child. One of the most important milestones in theory of mind development is the ability to attribute false belief : in other words, the understanding that other people can believe things which are not true. To do this, it is suggested, one must understand how knowledge is formed, that people's beliefs are based on their knowledge, that mental states can differ from reality, and that people's behavior can be predicted by their mental states.

Numerous versions of the false-belief task have been developed, based on the initial task created by Wimmer and Perner In the most common version of the false-belief task often called the "'Sally-Anne' test" or "'Sally-Anne' task" , children are told or shown a story involving two characters. For example, the child is shown two dolls, Sally and Anne, who have a basket and a box, respectively. Sally also has a marble, which she places into her basket, and then leaves the room. While she is out of the room, Anne takes the marble from the basket and puts it into the box. Sally returns, and the child is then asked where Sally will look for the marble.

The child passes the task if she answers that Sally will look in the basket, where Sally put the marble; the child fails the task if she answers that Sally will look in the box, where the child knows the marble is hidden, even though Sally cannot know this, since she did not see it hidden there. To pass the task, the child must be able to understand that another's mental representation of the situation is different from their own, and the child must be able to predict behavior based on that understanding. Another example is when a boy leaves chocolate on a shelf and then leaves the room. His mother puts it in the fridge. To pass the task, the child must understand that the boy, upon returning, holds the false belief that his chocolate is still on the shelf.

The results of research using false-belief tasks have been fairly consistent: most typically developing children are able to pass the tasks from around age four. Adults may also experience problems with false beliefs. For instance, when they show hindsight bias , defined as: "the inclination to see events that have already happened as being more predictable than they were before they took place. Also in experiments with complicated situations, when assessing others' thinking, adults can be unable to disregard certain information that they have been given. Other tasks have been developed to try to solve the problems inherent in the false-belief task. In the "Unexpected contents", or "Smarties" task, experimenters ask children what they believe to be the contents of a box that looks as though it holds a candy called " Smarties ".

After the child guesses usually "Smarties", it is shown that the box in fact contained pencils. The experimenter then re-closes the box and asks the child what she thinks another person, who has not been shown the true contents of the box, will think is inside. The "false-photograph" task [67] [68] is another task that serves as a measure of theory of mind development. In this task, children must reason about what is represented in a photograph that differs from the current state of affairs. Within the false-photograph task, either a location or identity change exists. While the photograph is developing, the examiner moves the object to a different location e. The examiner asks the child two control questions: "When we first took the picture, where was the object?

However, the last question might be misinterpreted as "Where in this room is the object that the picture depicts? To make it easier for animals, young children, and individuals with classical Leo Kanner -type autism to understand and perform theory of mind tasks, researchers have developed tests in which verbal communication is de-emphasized: some whose administration does not involve verbal communication on the part of the examiner, some whose successful completion does not require verbal communication on the part of the subject, and some that meet both of the foregoing standards.

One category of tasks uses a preferential looking paradigm, with looking time as the dependent variable. For instance, 9-month-old infants prefer looking at behaviors performed by a human hand over those made by an inanimate hand-like object. Recent research on the early precursors of theory of mind has looked at innovative ways at capturing preverbal infants' understanding of other people's mental states, including perception and beliefs.

Using a variety of experimental procedures, studies have shown that infants from their first year of life have an implicit understanding of what other people see [72] and what they know. Therefore, their looking-times measures would give researchers an indication of what infants might be inferring, or their implicit understanding of events.

One recent study using this paradigm found that month-olds tend to attribute beliefs to a person whose visual perception was previously witnessed as being "reliable", compared to someone whose visual perception was "unreliable". Specifically, month-olds were trained to expect a person's excited vocalization and gaze into a container to be associated with finding a toy in the reliable-looker condition or an absence of a toy in the unreliable-looker condition. Following this training phase, infants witnessed, in an object-search task, the same persons either searching for a toy in the correct or incorrect location after they both witnessed the location of where the toy was hidden.

Infants who experienced the reliable looker were surprised and therefore looked longer when the person searched for the toy in the incorrect location compared to the correct location. In contrast, the looking time for infants who experienced the unreliable looker did not differ for either search locations. These findings suggest that month-old infants can differentially attribute beliefs about a toy's location based on the person's prior record of visual perception.

With the methods used to test theory of mind, it has been experimentally shown that very simple robots that only react by reflexes and are not built to have any complex cognition at all can pass the tests as having theory of mind abilities that psychology textbooks assume to be exclusive to humans older than 4 or 5 years. It has also been shown that whether or not such a robot passes or fails the test is influenced by completely non-cognitive factors such as placement of objects and the structure of the robot body influencing how the reflexes are conducted. It has therefore been suggested that theory of mind tests may not actually test cognitive abilities.

The theory of mind impairment describes a difficulty someone would have with perspective-taking. This is also sometimes referred to as mind-blindness. This means that individuals with a theory of mind impairment would have a difficult time seeing phenomena from any other perspective than their own. Theory of mind deficits have also been observed in deaf children who are late signers i. Leslie and Uta Frith suggested that children with autism do not employ theory of mind [64] and suggested that autistic children have particular difficulties with tasks requiring the child to understand another person's beliefs.

These difficulties persist when children are matched for verbal skills [80] and have been taken as a key feature of autism. Many individuals classified as autistic have severe difficulty assigning mental states to others, and some seem to lack theory of mind capabilities. One account assumes that theory of mind plays a role in the attribution of mental states to others and in childhood pretend play. This might explain why some autistic individuals show extreme deficits in both theory of mind and pretend play. However, Hobson proposes a social-affective justification, [83] which suggests that with an autistic person, deficits in theory of mind result from a distortion in understanding and responding to emotions. He suggests that typically developing individuals, unlike autistic individuals, are born with a set of skills such as social referencing ability that later lets them comprehend and react to other people's feelings.

Other scholars emphasize that autism involves a specific developmental delay, so that autistic children vary in their deficiencies, because they experience difficulty in different stages of growth. Very early setbacks can alter proper advancement of joint-attention behaviors, which may lead to a failure to form a full theory of mind. It has been speculated [71] that Theory of Mind exists on a continuum as opposed to the traditional view of a discrete presence or absence. While some research has suggested that some autistic populations are unable to attribute mental states to others, [8] recent evidence points to the possibility of coping mechanisms that facilitate a spectrum of mindful behavior.

Tine et al. Generally, children with more advanced theory of mind abilities display more advanced social skills, greater adaptability to new situations, and greater cooperation with others. As a result, these children are typically well-liked. However, "children may use their mind-reading abilities to manipulate, outwit, tease, or trick their peers". Social rejection has been proven to negatively impact a child's development and can put the child at greater risk of developing depressive symptoms.

Peer-mediated interventions PMI are a school-based treatment approach for children and adolescents with autism spectrum disorder in which peers are trained to be role models in order to promote social behavior. Laghi et al. Selecting children with advanced theory of mind skills who use them in prosocial ways will theoretically make the program more effective. While the results indicated that analyzing the social uses of theory of mind of possible candidates for a PMI program is invaluable, it may not be a good predictor of a candidate's performance as a role model. A Cochrane review on interventions based on Theory of Mind found that it can be taught to individuals with autism but there's little evidence of skill maintenance, generalization to other settings or development effects on related skills.

Individuals with the diagnosis of schizophrenia can show deficits in theory of mind. Mirjam Sprong and colleagues investigated the impairment by examining 29 different studies, with a total of over participants. They performed poorly on false-belief tasks, which test the ability to understand that others can hold false beliefs about events in the world, and also on intention-inference tasks, which assess the ability to infer a character's intention from reading a short story.

Schizophrenia patients with negative symptoms , such as lack of emotion, motivation, or speech, have the most impairment in theory of mind and are unable to represent the mental states of themselves and of others. Paranoid schizophrenic patients also perform poorly because they have difficulty accurately interpreting others' intentions. The meta-analysis additionally showed that IQ, gender, and age of the participants do not significantly affect the performance of theory of mind tasks.

Current research suggests that impairment in theory of mind negatively affects clinical insight, the patient's awareness of their mental illness. Therapies that teach patients perspective-taking and self-reflection skills can improve abilities in reading social cues and taking the perspective of another person. The majority of the current literature supports the argument that the theory of mind deficit is a stable trait-characteristic rather than a state-characteristic of schizophrenia. The results indicate that the deficit is not merely a consequence of the active phase of schizophrenia.

Schizophrenic patients' deficit in theory of mind impairs their daily interactions with others. An example of a disrupted interaction is one between a schizophrenic parent and a child. Theory of mind is particularly important for parents, who must understand the thoughts and behaviors of their children and react accordingly. Dysfunctional parenting is associated with deficits in the first-order theory of mind, the ability to understand another person's thoughts, and the second-order theory of mind, the ability to infer what one person thinks about another person's thoughts.

Impairments in theory of mind, as well as other social-cognitive deficits are commonly found in people suffering from alcoholism , due to the neurotoxic effects of alcohol on the brain, particularly the prefrontal cortex. Individuals in a current major depressive episode , a disorder characterized by social impairment, show deficits in theory of mind decoding. The opposite pattern, enhanced theory of mind, is observed in individuals vulnerable to depression, including those individuals with past major depressive disorder MDD , [ citation needed ] dysphoric individuals, [96] and individuals with a maternal history of MDD.

Children diagnosed with developmental language disorder DLD exhibit much lower scores on reading and writing sections of standardized tests, yet have a normal nonverbal IQ. These language deficits can be any specific deficits in lexical semantics, syntax, or pragmatics, or a combination of multiple problems. They often exhibit poorer social skills than normally developing children, and seem to have problems decoding beliefs in others. A recent meta-analysis confirmed that children with DLD have substantially lower scores on theory of mind tasks compared to typically developing children.

Research on theory of mind in autism led to the view that mentalizing abilities are subserved by dedicated mechanisms that can - in some cases - be impaired while general cognitive function remains largely intact. Neuroimaging research has supported this view, demonstrating specific brain regions consistently engaged during theory of mind tasks. Studies from Rebecca Saxe 's lab at MIT, using a false-belief versus false-photograph task contrast aimed at isolating the mentalizing component of the false-belief task, have very consistently found activation in mPFC , precuneus, and temporo-parietal junction TPJ , right-lateralized. However, it is possible that the observation of overlapping regions for representing beliefs and attentional reorienting may simply be due to adjacent, but distinct, neuronal populations that code for each.

In a study following Decety and Mitchell, Saxe and colleagues used higher-resolution fMRI and showed that the peak of activation for attentional reorienting is approximately mm above the peak for representing beliefs. Further corroborating that differing populations of neurons may code for each process, they found no similarity in the patterning of fMRI response across space. Using single cell recordings in the human dorsomedial prefrontal cortex dmPFC , researchers at MGH identified neurons that encode information about others' beliefs, which were distinct from self beliefs, across different scenarios in a False-belief task. Functional imaging has also been used to study the detection of mental state information in Heider-Simmel-esque animations of moving geometric shapes, which typical humans automatically perceive as social interactions laden with intention and emotion.

Three studies found remarkably similar patterns of activation during the perception of such animations versus a random or deterministic motion control: mPFC , pSTS, fusiform face area FFA , and amygdala were selectively engaged during the Theory of Mind condition. A separate body of research has implicated the posterior superior temporal sulcus in the perception of intentionality in human action; this area is also involved in perceiving biological motion, including body, eye, mouth, and point-light display motion. Examples would be: a human performing a reach-to-grasp motion on empty space next to an object, versus grasping the object; [] a human shifting eye gaze toward empty space next to a checkerboard target versus shifting gaze toward the target; [] an unladen human turning on a light with his knee, versus turning on a light with his knee while carrying a pile of books; [] and a walking human pausing as he passes behind a bookshelf, versus walking at a constant speed.

The incongruent actions, on the other hand, require further explanation why would someone twist empty space next to a gear? Note that this region is distinct from the temporo-parietal area activated during false belief tasks. Neuropsychological evidence has provided support for neuroimaging results regarding the neural basis of theory of mind. Studies with patients suffering from a lesion of the frontal lobes and the temporoparietal junction of the brain between the temporal lobe and parietal lobe reported that they have difficulty with some theory of mind tasks.

However, the fact that the medial prefrontal cortex and temporoparietal junction are necessary for theory of mind tasks does not imply that these regions are specific to that function. Research by Vittorio Gallese , Luciano Fadiga and Giacomo Rizzolatti [] has shown that some sensorimotor neurons , which are referred to as mirror neurons , first discovered in the premotor cortex of rhesus monkeys , may be involved in action understanding.

Single-electrode recording revealed that these neurons fired when a monkey performed an action, as well as when the monkey viewed another agent carrying out the same task. Similarly, fMRI studies with human participants have shown brain regions assumed to contain mirror neurons that are active when one person sees another person's goal-directed action. There is also evidence against the link between mirror neurons and theory of mind. First, macaque monkeys have mirror neurons but do not seem to have a 'human-like' capacity to understand theory of mind and belief. Don't have a free portal account?

Sign up now! All rights are reserved. Modifed by Eddie Soh. Member Login. Continuing Education. Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir granted her a pardon after she served nine days in jail due to pressure from the British government. She immediately returned to England upon her release. While colleagues, friends, and family regarded the whole situation as a misunderstanding, many local Sudanese disagreed. Hundreds of protestors gathered outside of the presidential palace to denounce Ms. Some protestors waved ceremonial swords, some voiced anger at the Sudanese government for not treating her more severely, some distributed leaflets which condemned her as an infidel and accused her of polluting children's mentality by her actions.

This highly publicized incident can be explained quite well by the cultural schema theory, particularly by discussing Ms. Gibbons' status as a sojourner in an unfamiliar culture. Axiom number three and axiom number nine apply quite well to Ms. As a sojourner, the acquisition of host culture PSI schemas would be necessary in order for the sojourner's cross-cultural adaptation to occur. Gibbons may have lived in Sudan, but she lived inside the walls of Unity School. This private school with children of well-to-do parents is much different than the rest of Sudan. Gibbons did not need to acquire the PSI schemas of the host culture because her native PSI schemas worked equally well inside the walls of Unity School. Had Ms. Gibbons been constantly made aware of the local PSI schemas naming an animal after the Prophet Muhammad is unacceptable she may have adapted and not allowed the children to name the teddy bear Muhammad.

Naming a teddy bear was not a novel situation to her as a children's school teacher, but she was not in England. After the bear's naming she certainly encountered a novel situation where she experienced cognitive uncertainty and anxiety because of her lack of the PSI schemas in the situation. Hence the difficulties of cross-cultural adaptation for sojourners like Ms. Cultural schema theory is often compared and contrasted with the cultural consensus theory.

Both theories present distinct perspectives about the nature of individual and cultural knowledge. However, unlike the cultural schema theory, the cultural consensus theory helps to describe and mathematically measure the extent to which cultural beliefs are shared. The central idea is the use of the pattern of agreement or consensus among members of the same culture. Essentially, the more knowledge people have, the more consensus is observed among them. Unfortunately, the cultural consensus theory does not help others to better understand intracultural variability or how cultural knowledge is interrelated at a cognitive level. Cultural consensus theory anticipates intracultural variation but views variation as analogous to performance on a cultural test, with certain individuals functioning as better guides than others to the cultural information pool Garro, Simply put, cultural schema theory can be described as cultural-specific world knowledge Razi, As mentioned above, the concept of cultural schemas is not new, but the theory is.

Future studies must generate theorems and further tests must be conducted in order to better formulate theory itself and the axioms it proposes. Once this is complete the theory can be used in cross-cultural training purposes in order to facilitate individuals' adaptation to their respective host-culture environments Nishida, There has been efforts to make this task done. For example, Ehsan Shahghasemi and D. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. This article is written like a personal reflection, personal essay, or argumentative essay that states a Wikipedia editor's personal feelings or presents an original argument about a topic.

Please help improve it by rewriting it in an encyclopedic style. May Learn how and when to remove this template message. This section does not cite any sources. Please help improve this section by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. July Learn how and when to remove this template message. Cultural Schema Theory.

For Relational Cultural Theory, in individualistic cultures such Samurai x reflection the United States, Relational Cultural Theory greater emphasis is placed on Relational Cultural Theory ability Relational Cultural Theory recognize that others Advantage Of Gambling different opinions and Relational Cultural Theory. London, England: Wiley-Blackwell. Sojourners generally spend a few years in another culture while intending to return to their Relational Cultural Theory country. Relational Cultural Theory addition Relational Cultural Theory these hypotheses, there is Relational Cultural Theory evidence that the neural Relational Cultural Theory between the Relational Cultural Theory of the brain responsible for language and theory of mind are closely connected.

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