⌚ The Second Great Awakening: A Period Of Reform

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The Second Great Awakening: A Period Of Reform

By turns charismatic and ruthless, brilliant and power hungry, diplomatic and As a result The Second Great Awakening: A Period Of Reform the The Second Great Awakening: A Period Of Reform ofthe Cumberland Presbyterian Church emerged in Kentucky and became a strong support of the revivalist movement. Known commonly as antebellum reformthis The Sisters Brothers Manipulation Quotes included reforms against the consumption of alcoholfor women's rights The Second Great Awakening: A Period Of Reform abolition The Second Great Awakening: A Period Of Reform slaveryand a multitude of other issues faced by society. Lorenzo Dow, American itinerant preacher : The Second Great Awakening included large revivals, which were passionate meetings led by evangelist preachers such as the eccentric Lorenzo Dow. Most of the Scots-Irish immigrants before the American Revolutionary War settled in the backcountry of Pennsylvania and down the spine of the Appalachian Mountains in present-day The Second Great Awakening: A Period Of Reform and Virginiawhere Presbyterian emigrants and Baptists The Second Great Awakening: A Period Of Reform large outdoor Dust Bowl Research Paper in the years prior to the war. Consider the patriotism lavished on this 4th of July event at Auburn Character Analysis: The Book Thief prisoners The Second Great Awakening: A Period Of Reform a platform "handsomely and appropriately draped with National The Second Great Awakening: A Period Of Reform, over a portrait of Governor Seymour. He served as pastor of the Universalist Society of Boston and wrote many The Second Great Awakening: A Period Of Reform. Madison is especially The Second Great Awakening: A Period Of Reform words to describe a storm reducing The Infinite List: Poem Analysis cruelty of penitentiary discipline and with external growth definition potentially harmful effects of solitary confinement.

Era of Reform (Second Great Awakening)

This was especially problematic for the Auburn System where silence and separation were already difficult enough to enforce. What a radical transformation had taken place over the previous half century, when congregate cells had once been the pre-Revolutionary norm! This document thus reveals how the major weaknesses of the Auburn System reinforced the growing bureaucratization of prison management. As Foucault explains, "the prison had always been offered as its own remedy: the reactivation of the penitentiary techniques as the only means of overcoming their perpetual failure; the realization of the corrective project as the only method of overcoming the impossibility of implementing it" If overcrowding was a problem inherent to the penitentiary and especially injurious for the Auburn System, solutions were offered on a secondary policy level: redistribute prisoners or build more prisons.

The very same suggestion is offered two decades later in the Fourth annual report of the inspectors of State prisons of the State of New York , this time sending prisoners to Clinton. Finally, Memorial of the Prison Association to the Governor of the State of New York notes how some prisons like Sing Sing had an excess of prisoners by this time, while Auburn and Clinton had open cells. Written by Fred A. Packard on behalf of the Philadelphia Society for the Alleviation of the Miseries of Public Prisons, this memorandum evaluates some key differences between the Auburn and Pennsylvania Systems.

Foremost among them was the practice of solitary confinement which, as we have seen, entailed problems of overcrowding at Auburn. In this document we also see how the non-use of solitary confinement often led to communications between prisoners, which both groups believed injurious to criminal reform. Packard goes so far as to say, "There is no concealment, or palliation of [this] defect which has ever been regarded as prominent in the Auburn system.

Wood that he once saw three men [who] were all in the Eastern Penitentiary at one and the same time— each of them recognized him as he passed them; and yet neither of them knew the other, and could not have had the remotest suspicion that they had ever been so closely associated! In the very beginning of his memorandum, Packard notes how immediate supervision over Auburn Prison "is entrusted to two general officers, viz. His son, Colonel William Powers, was such an enthusiastic supporter of the Auburn System that he moved to Upper Canada now Ontario where he supervised the construction of Kingston Penitentiary and served as deputy warden from until he was dismissed in after professional conflict with Warden Henry Smith.

Their dispute concerned one of the central features of the Auburn System: the use of convict labor, which Smith blamed for greater communications between prisoners in his report. The dispute primarily regarded prison management and the hierarchy of power; Nickalls felt that the divisions in governance were so severe as to "imperil the best interests of the system" qtd. The division of powers Packard praises here was likely instituted because of these conflicts at Kingston and other prisons modeled on Auburn.

These debates over the distribution of power and styles of management would continue again and again over the following decades as revealed in the next two documents, Fourth annual report of the inspectors of State prisons and Memorial of the Prison Association The fluctuation which must prevail in the policy and management of public institutions, where each political or party revolution gives them a new supply of officers or a new set of regulations, must be clearly injurious to the interests of all concerned. On the one hand, public transparency and government intervention were thought important to prevent the tyranny of wardens. On the other hand, consistency and total authority were thought necessary for the very project of penal discipline.

Moreover, unlike the separation of powers between agent and keeper at Auburn, the Pennsylvania System combined both roles in the position of warden. In fact, the early release of inmates for good behavior constitutes another point of contention between the Auburn and Pennsylvania Systems. Around this time Auburn introduced the manufacture of silk as a form of convict labor. Packard observes how the "success which has attended the experiment thus far is very encouraging… and there is every reason to believe that the whole operation of spinning, weaving and dying, will be completely successful.

This memorandum also points to how conflicts between the Auburn and Pennsylvania Systems could lead to consensus, as reformers attempted to correct the criticisms each posed. Perhaps it may be safe to affirm, that the infliction of stripes is a species of punishment which cannot well fail, of itself, to lead to cruelty. It is in its very nature an incentive to cruelty. In lieu of this… they have adopted the cold shower bath , and find it, thus far, fully adequate to all punitive purposes.

A tin tunnel, with a large or small tube, as may be expedient, is held at a proper distance above the head; and water, of the ordinary temperature, is poured through it in a steady stream directly on the top of the head. The quantity of water is regulated by its effect on the convict. Cases occurred in which considerable fortitude was displayed through the use of a gallon or two of water; but not an instance has been known in which it was not, after a few minutes, utterly subduing to the most stubborn. While many of us will now cry out against waterboarding and its antecedent, the cold shower bath, some will still join Packard in believing that its substitution "for the cruel, degrading, and exasperating use of the cat-o'-nine tails is a most happy improvement.

So much superiority has been uniformly claimed for this system over the other, in this point especially, that I anticipated a very obvious peculiarity. To my surprise, I learned that only one service is observed on Sunday During the Sabbath, the chaplain may visit the convicts, but as he is not admitted to the interior of the cell, and can only converse with them at their cell-doors, it is difficult to make a visit, under such circumstances, either pleasant or useful. The prisoner on each side can overhear what is said, and this, of itself, would greatly embarrass the interview. Eastern State Penitentiary. When Auburn was opened in , State Commissioners on construction transferred powers to a local Board of Inspectors appointed by the Legislature.

They have no compensation, and are forbidden, by law, to make any contracts for the purchase or sale of any articles with the Agent of the Prison. They appoint the Agent and Keeper, Deputy Keeper, and all subordinate officers, who are removable at their pleasure. They are authorized and required, by several acts of the Legislature, to make and establish such rules and regulations, from time to time, for the government of the Prison, as they may deem necessary, and which the officers are bound to enforce and observe; all of whom are required to take an oath prescribed by law.

The amendment also abandoned the "former system of a separate government for each prison," explains the next document in this archive. This amendment held that three inspectors would hold office semi-sequentially for three years, with an election occurring every year for one seat. Their role was also to appoint wardens and keepers, supervising prison administration. Each one took special responsibility over one of the then-existing state prisons Auburn, Sing Sing, and Clinton. They were required to oversee operations at their assigned prisons for one week every month and make joint visits to each prison four times a year.

Edmonds founded the Prison Association of New York in The organization was formed to advocate for criminal defendants and people in prison, improve penal discipline and administration, as well as help with post-release reintegration. In the latter part of the century, they expanded these reformist efforts dramatically to create the National Prison Association now the American Prison Association in and then the International Prison Congress two years later. It remains the only private body in New York with the power to conduct on-site examinations of state correctional facilities, reporting observations and recommendations to the government and public. The following two documents in this exhibit reveal some of the tensions between the Prison Association of New York and the reorganized Inspectors of State Prisons.

Following these controversies, the latter was abolished in by another constitutional amendment which instituted the Superintendent of State Prisons instead. This position was once again appointed by the New York Governor and confirmed by the Senate, a corrective to the partisan behavior of previously elected inspectors. These mid-century debates between the independently-operating Prison Association and publicly-elected Inspectors of State Prisons reveal important lessons about the divisions of power and interest in prison management.

Fourth annual report of the inspectors of State prisons of the State of New York Submitted to the New York Senate in , this report records the observations of state prison inspectors. The document is overwhelmingly confident and conciliated with the operations at their respective state prisons. They claim to "feel highly gratified in being able to state that all the institutions under their charge have been favored with usual health, while their pecuniary condition and the mild yet salutary discipline reflect credit upon the subordinate officers to whose hands they have severally been committed.

Indeed, the inspectors seem to echo this concern themselves when they explain that "Like most other places of public trust and emolument, from long custom and confirmed habit, these offices are sought for and demanded as the reward of political influence and partisan services, and the tenure by which they are held is almost if not entirely dependent upon the fluctuation and changes of political power in the State. So long as the law regulating these appointments remains as at present, this state of things can scarcely be avoided, and the Inspectors must suffer an embarrassment from this source, until the Legislature shall provide some adequate relief by an alteration of the law.

They refer here to the amendment of the New York Constitution which made the inspector an elected position rather than appointed by the governor and confirmed by the senate. Whatever their institution, they find in all these matters "a much better result than has ever been exhibited by this prison in any previous year since it was established. As evidenced by the following document in this exhibit, Memorial of the Prison Association to the Governor of the State of New York , the dangers of mixing electoral politics with this office became the central conflict between these two governing bodies which lasted until the reversal of this amendment in Throughout this Fourth annual report, inspectors and wardens share a recurring opinion: The Prison Association should butt out of their business.

The Legislature had certainly incited a riot! Apparently in direct response to criticisms raised by the Prison Association, these inspectors declare that they "earnestly court investigation. We have nothing to disguise, and there is not a single feature in the present management or discipline of any of the prisons, we would not gladly expose to public view. Our prison doors are open to the public, and hundreds visit them daily from almost all parts of the world. Such is the condition, and such the management of all the prisons, and we doubt if it is within the scope of human wisdom to devise a more judicious or humane system for the safe keeping and moral improvement of this erring class of mankind, than we are now laboring to carry out under the law of With our knowledge of the past and present, we shall long hesitate before we consent to have the present prosperity disturbed, and a system of mild and salutary discipline, which has been perfected by patience, forbearance and practical experience, destroyed by the meddlesome interference of any irresponsible association.

These inspectors finally appeal to flattery and groveling, as they wonder whether "the Prison Association really imagine[s] that [it] possess a co-ordinate power in the management of these institutions. In their letter to Governor John T. Hoffman seeking "an amendment to the Constitution," the Prison Association calls the inspectors de facto "governors of the prisons and controllers of the system, subject to no supervision or inspection, except such as the Legislature may from time to time direct, and that of the imperfect power given to this Association. Every year one of them is thrown into the arena of party politics.

They note "how far short of attainable results, both in finance and discipline, our State Prisons have fallen" and how rates of incarceration had rapidly increased after the Civil War. But under the present system even that supervision is gone. National identity was now so deeply entrenched in this spirit of reform that the movement could not help but continue and required reformers to, paradoxically, declare their own previous effort a failure. Consider the patriotism lavished on this 4th of July event at Auburn where prisoners surrounded a platform "handsomely and appropriately draped with National flags, over a portrait of Governor Seymour.

Indeed, his address included in this pamphlet blends together Christian faith, American allegiance, and prison reformism. Some facts concerning the jails, penitentiaries and poorhouses of the state of New York As this document makes clear, she was also instrumental in the rejuvenated prison reform movement of the late 19th Century. She demonstrates how the Prison Association had failed to justify its claim in an report "that the 'Onondaga County Penitentiary has its industries and supervision as well directed as any in the State. Her major concern is the treatment of women in prison, noting how "during the year , two hundred and eighty-five women, between the ages of fifteen and thirty years were [incarcerated] by the laws of the State of New York.

God forbid this County should breed paupers as well as support them. In our own State, where personal pity has led to the founding of private refuges and reformatories, many of these unhappy women are reclaimed, but whenever it is their cruel fate to fall under the power of the law… they are thrust into the vilest companionship and are taught a deeper infamy than they could otherwise have learned.

Although ostensibly a defender of women in prison, Lowell actually normalized the rhetoric of female victim-blaming for we may safely assume that many of these pregnancies were the result of rape or coercion. Although increasingly doubtful about the reformative capacities of individuals, they hoped the prison would reform the social order as a whole. These year-old debates about criminal justice reform are repeating today under the different circumstances of racialized mass incarceration. In The New Jim Crow , Michelle Alexander famously argues that the prison— far from simply "another institution infected with lingering racial bias"— has become "the primary vehicle of racialized social control in the United States" since slavery and segregation 11, 4.

Alexander is not so forthcoming, however, about the precise relations between these racial regimes— often calling them "metaphorically" the same or "strikingly similar," sometimes detailing a more causal relationship. The passage of unjust criminal laws has sometimes exploited Black labor— as, for example, the Black Codes and convict leasing did for the Postbellum Southern economy. At other times, it has warehoused the "racial neoliberal excess" during labor surplus— as, for example, the three-strikes laws and mandatory minimums did after civil rights made such exploitation formally illegal Escobar Clearly these historical developments exceed any analogy or single amendment.

To combat our current logic of racial disposability, then, we must look farther back than the mandatory minimums and three strikes laws of the s, or the anti-drug rhetoric of the s, or even the economic restructuring of the postwar period. We must also understand how the US penitentiary system developed through liberal ideas about the worth and redemption of white souls. Indeed, the 19th Century prison was a site of relative privilege even if it was also one of great risk and misery. Because these forms of civil life were not extended to enslaved Africans, many women, and indigenous people in the first place, carceral punishment could not adequately apply to them.

Once born from ideals of liberal progress, the prison system now increasingly warehouses women and racial minorities without any pretense of reform at all. What explains these extreme transformations? Although it exceeds the scope of this digital archive, which is so dependent on the holdings at Kroch Library, Southern slavery and penal reform must be incorporated into this history. Her analysis focuses less on the similarities between slavery and mass incarceration, but rather on how exaggerated differences between these systems of racial control have lent prison expansion more public purchase.

As she explains, "Forms of southern criminal justice hold the racial-economic architecture of slavery— from slavery, to plantation-style prison farms, to convict leasing, to chain gangs" Murakawa Civil Rights Era "progressives" contrasted themselves to this form of criminal justice, and Northern-style penitentiaries thus appeared the solution to racial lawlessness and punitiveness in the South. Interest rates were at 5. By the end of , the Fed had reduced the target interest rate to zero percent for the first time in history in hopes of once again encouraging borrowing and, by extension, capital investment.

In February , President George W. Bush signed the so-called Economic Stimulus Act into law. This last element was designed to, hopefully, generate new home sales and provide a boost to the economy. In March , investment banking giant Bear Stearns collapsed after attributing its financial troubles to investments in subprime mortgages, and its assets were acquired by JP Morgan Chase at a cut-rate price. A few months later, financial behemoth Lehman Brothers declared bankruptcy for similar reasons, creating the largest bankruptcy filing in U.

TARP essentially provided the U. The deals would enable the government to sell these assets at a later date, hopefully at a profit. January also brought with it a new administration in the White House , that of President Barack Obama. However, many of the old financial problems remained for the new president to tackle. Whether or not these initiatives brought about the end of the Great Recession is a matter of debate. However, at least officially, the National Bureau of Economic Research NBER determined that, based on key economic indicators including unemployment rates and the stock market , the downturn in the United State officially ended in June Although the Great Recession was officially over in the United States in , among many people in America and in other countries around the world, the effects of the downturn were felt for many more years.

The Great Recession also ushered in a new period of financial regulation in the United States and elsewhere. Economists have argued that repeal in the s of the Depression-era regulation known as the Glass-Steagall Act contributed to the problems that caused the recession. The Dodd-Frank Act , which was signed into law by President Obama in , was designed to restore at least some of the U. After he was inaugurated, President Donald Trump and some members of Congress made several efforts to gut key portions of the Dodd-Frank Act, which would remove some of the rules protecting Americans from another recession. Rich, Robert. Full Timeline. Federal Reserve Bank of St.

Glass, Andrew. Amadeo, Kimberly. Isidore, Chris. The Christian Science Monitor. Zarroli, Jim. But if you see something that doesn't look right, click here to contact us! Subscribe for fascinating stories connecting the past to the present. What were the key moments in the Great Recession, the most significant economic downturn since the Great Depression of the s and s? Here are some of the most important milestones in a Great Recession timeline of the financial crisis—also known as the recession—which Dodd-Frank put regulations on the The Great Depression was the worst economic downturn in the history of the industrialized world, lasting from to It began after the stock market crash of October , which sent Wall Street into a panic and wiped out millions of investors.

Over the next several Signed on October 3, , by President George W. The Great Society was an ambitious series of policy initiatives, legislation and programs spearheaded by President Lyndon B. Johnson with the main goals of ending poverty, reducing crime, abolishing inequality and improving the environment. In May , President Lyndon B. During the Great Depression, with much of the United States mired in grinding poverty and unemployment, some Americans found increased opportunities in criminal activities like bootlegging, robbing banks, loan-sharking—even murder.

Help Learn to edit Community portal Recent changes The Second Great Awakening: A Period Of Reform file. Stone Causes Of Prosperity In The 1920s and Alexander Interprofessional Collaboration Case Study —the camp meeting revival became a major mode of church expansion for denominations such The Second Great Awakening: A Period Of Reform the The Second Great Awakening: A Period Of Reform and Baptists. The center of The Second Great Awakening: A Period Of Reform was the so-called Burned-over district The Second Great Awakening: A Period Of Reform western New York. The revival of produced the leadership, such as that of Dwight L. Meanwhile, a more bureaucratic controversy had been stirring between the New York Prison Association and the Inspectors of State Prisons.

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